文化多样性与中国文化安全

多样性文化之间的冲突引起文化安全问题。经济全球化中,我国文化安全面临着文化一元化的威胁。互联网已经成为舆论斗争主战场,思想文化领域斗争深刻复杂。切实维护国家文化安全,就要增强文化整体实力和竞争力,健全文化安全管理,提高文化开放水平。     

影响和谐警民关系构建的因素及对策研究

构建和谐警民关系是实现中国梦、确保党的群众路线教育实践活动成效和实现公安工作科学发展的迫切需要。但构建和谐警民关系受公安机关自身因素、群众的新要求和新期待因素及非警务活动等因素的影响,一度出现警民关系紧张。应积极打造一支根植于民并依法高效履职的公安队伍,为人民群众安居乐业提供有力保障,搭建好警民沟通互动平台,抓好公安宣传舆论引导工作,开创和谐警民关系新局面。     

National Security and Minerals

The term “national security” evolved from a nation possessing military might to predominantly having a secure national economy. Beteen those two aspects lie other factors that contribute to a nation＇s security. Minerals have been part of national se, curity strategy since the need for security was felt by nations. Especially military, economic, and environmental security has been factors that have driven mineral demand. On the other hand, mining and minerals have often been the cause of national security alerts. This paper would represent economic security as being reliant on minerals and will highlight economic security as the key driver that activates other security issues today. It will go on to discuss how minerals have also been affected by national security problems, such as the recent financial crisis. Furthermore, minerals have also been the cause for national security problems.     

公安高等院校法学学术型硕士培养模式创新研究

公安法学教育是公安职业教育与法学教育相结合的特殊法学教育,是法学教育的重要组成部分。公安高等院校法学类硕士培养基本上紧随我国法学教育的发展趋势,但是要在学术型硕士培养上创新,就需要突出公安特色。在"卓越法律人才计划"的大背景下,法学教育"精英化"、"大众化"、"职业化"等的辨析日趋明确,各大高校法学硕士培养定位已经基本形成共识,即为研究做准备——学术型硕士。公安高等院校法学硕士定位同样应为学术型硕士,其要在同领域中具备"卓越法律人才"素质,就需在培养过程中强化公安实践上升为公安理论的能力,首先从招生数量上"精化",其次从课程设置上"简化"、"深化",再次从导师引导上"细化"、"学徒化",最后从准出门槛——毕业论文上"学术化"。公安高等院校法学硕士最终应能成为公安法学相关理论领域博士研究预备人才。     

以重点人员为中心治安情报预警机制初探

以重点人员为中心治安情报预警新机制,就是通过利用现代网络信息技术,充分发挥重点人员的单元信息标签作用,使治安情报信息关联化、有序化和优质化,从而提高治安情报预警的效率、效益和效果,提高治安工作的主动性、针对性和科学性。构建以重点人员为中心的治安情报预警新机制,就要以重点人员为信息关联中心,打牢情报信息收集基础,抓好情报分析研判关键环节,充分发挥情报预警预防作用。     

地缘政治回归进程中的非传统安全研究：十年评估与未来议程

非传统安全研究反对国家中心主义与国际关系中的零和思维,与强调国家间竞争甚至对抗关系的地缘政治具有难以调和的内在张力。然而,当前世界正处于自冷战结束以来地缘政治回归且不断强化的时期：美国视中国为系统性竞争对手并在“印太战略”名义下采取广泛的对华遏制措施,俄乌冲突成为冷战结束以后规模最大的一次地区战争,世界还见证了新一轮巴以冲突的突然爆发。地缘政治的回归对非传统安全领域产生了深刻的影响,原来更多强调合作与非零和关系的国际贸易、环境保护、科技合作、能源安全等非传统安全议题,越来越被传统安全逻辑所影响、扭曲甚至控制,非传统安全议题成为大国博弈工具,非传统安全合作举步维艰。通过检视自2014年以来的中国非传统安全研究成果可以发现,少量成果意识到了非传统安全问题的“传统安全化”,但多数研究仍然对非传统安全概念与范式抱有过度乐观的期待,对地缘政治的回归重视不够,对非传统安全及其研究所受到的影响估计不足。根据总体国家安全观统筹传统安全与非传统安全的要求,未来的非传统安全研究必须更具现实感和针对性,通过重新发现安全事实和完善分析框架,强化对地缘政治变量的重视,进一步提升自己的学术意义与现实价值。     

美国选举安全问题:以2016年和2020年总统大选为例

2016年美国总统大选暴露了长期存在于该国选举体系中的风险,"选举安全"迅速成为当代美国国家安全与国土安全领域的重要议题。美国选举安全涉及网络安全、社会安全、政治安全与军事安全,体现出"复合安全问题"的特质。美国联邦与各州政府试图从降低关键基础设施风险、重建选民信任、减少部门壁垒以及填补机制缺失四个层面入手,系统性化解存在于选举系统的各类安全威胁。2020年美国大选期间,原有选举安全风险得到一定程度的缓解,但美国国家安全体制及文化与其选举安全体系的运行逻辑之间仍存在多层矛盾,特别是美国选举体系的产业市场与创新之间的矛盾、国家安全与"言论自由"之间的矛盾、"全政府"与"地方权"之间的矛盾、"网络自由"与"网络主权"之间的矛盾。这些矛盾会长期存在,将使利益攸关方不断发生龃龉,阻碍相关政策深入推进,最终导致美国在选举安全治理上将一直面临难以克服的困境。     

Rebel-to-political and back? Hamas as a security provider in Gaza between rebellion,politics and governance

ABSTRACT

After winning the 2006 Palestinian Legislative Council (PLC) elections and subsequently taking control of the Gaza Strip in the summer of 2007, the Palestinian Hamas – a hybrid political, social and military actor – undertook a complex process to ascertain authority and control over Gaza. The article focuses on understanding Hamas’s performance as a political party and a “rebel government” as well as the impact of this newly acquired role on the group’s strategy. Relying on primary sources, field-work and interviews with members of the Hamas government and its security sector, the study looks at Hamas’s role as a security provider and analyses the complex relationship between the institutionalized security sector and the group’s insurgent armed wing. Examining Hamas’s logic as a security provider and exploring the inherent tensions between political and insurgent logics allows for a better understanding of both the rebel group’s role as a political actor and the broader challenges behind the successful rebel-to-political transformations of non-state armed organizations. In doing so it contributes to the emerging literature on non-state actors’ shifts between ballots and bullets and on their potential role as alternative governance providers.     

Theory of Land-Ocean Peaceful Cooperation: a Geopolitical Study of the Sustainable Security of One Belt One Road

The joint establishment of One Belt One Road is a practice of international cooperation initiated by China and actively participated by other countries. One of the important issues is how to ensure sustainable common security, and what kind of geopolitical theory should be employed for guidance. Traditional geopolitical theories, such as sea power theory, land power theory and Rimland theory, mainly serve for the fi ght for geopolitical hegemony or military strategy. They are in sharp contrast with the goal of One Belt One Road, which is of mutual interest and a win-win situation. However, One Belt One Road is still regarded by some countries from the traditional geopolitical perspective. To equip One Belt One Road with new geopolitical concepts, the author hereby proposes the theory of land-ocean peaceful cooperation, which is a non-alliance network community of common interests, security and destiny. This community would be established for mutual benefi ts, between ocean countries and land countries, among ocean countries and among land countries. It could help policy communication among participant countries of One Belt One Road, and the establishment of an open net-like system of peaceful operation and common development. The theory of land-ocean peaceful cooperation of sustainable security, together with the practice of international cooperation of One Belt One Road, will undoubtedly break through the vicious cycle of the Eurasian geographical fi ght and confrontation between sea powers and land powers illustrated by the traditional geopolitics.     

南海安全区域间治理模式探析

实现南海区域安全与和平、稳定一直以来是中国和东盟国家就南海局势展开对话与合作的重要议题之一。然而,现实中的南海安全局势却一再紧张,这表明南海区域安全制度性安排与安全秩序理念和现有变化、发展迅速的南海安全形势已经出现了不同步、不协调的状况。在过往长期的南海安全区域间治理实践中,东盟和中国作为南海周边最具影响力的国家间集团和最重要的区域大国,以不同的方式,就南海安全的区域间治理展开了对话与合作,并形成了各自富有特色的治理模式,"东盟模式"和"中国模式"。这两种模式从不同层次和多个渠道就南海区域安全治理进行了对话与合作,并在南海安全区域间治理方面发挥了一定的效用。然而,目前南海安全体系呈现出来的脆弱性和南海区域安全现况却一再揭示,中国和东盟在南海安全区域间治理进程中还面临着不少现实的困境。为克服这些困境,更好地实现南海安全的区域间治理,中国和东盟应形成合力,为南海安全的区域间治理重塑一个相吻合的制度规范,共同构建一个相匹配的角色、身份与创造一个具有建设性意义的内外治理环境。