中欧博弈新常态与国际安全格局转型

中国和欧洲正在成为全球政治、经济、安全博弈的焦点。随着新兴国家的群体崛起,国际格局力量对比正在经历持续且深刻的调整,中欧大国的安全博弈也随之呈现出新的常态。相应地,如何准确把握中欧大国关系中安全博弈的新常态以及中欧博弈对国际安全格局走向的影响,并加以前瞻性应对,是中国外交在保障国际安全以及维持未来大国协调进程中必须考量的问题。中国和欧洲在大国安全关系持续协调中的"软博弈"(即国际安全的规范与价值的持续碰撞)与角色互换进程中的"硬摩擦"(即中国与欧洲在世界主导权结构中地位与角色的升降变化),共同构成了国际战略格局转型期中欧安全博弈的新常态。理解中欧大国博弈新常态之于国际安全研究则需要透过"‘相互依存式主导权’视阈下的国际社会化"这个两者结合的理论棱镜。在安全领域,中国对欧洲的外交也将迎来新的历史机遇,应当引导中欧关系进入国际安全规范重塑和机制建设进程的大方向。     

The French secular hypocrisy: the extreme right,the Republic and the battle for hegemony

ABSTRACT

The success of the extreme right in France in the past two decades has not been limited to its electoral rise. A more long-lasting victory has taken place in the ideological field, where the discourse of the extreme right now occupies a prominent place in the mainstream liberal democratic agenda. Increasingly, its ideas are seen in the media and in the platforms of mainstream parties as ‘common sense’ or at least acceptable. The growing acceptance of this ‘common sense’ is the result of very carefully crafted strategies put in place by extreme-right thinkers since the 1980s. For over three decades now, in order to change perceptions and renew extreme right-wing ideology, New Right think tanks such as the French GRECE believed it was necessary to borrow the tactics of the left and, more specifically, the Gramscian concept of hegemony: cultural power must precede political power. With the use of contemporary examples, Mondon's article demonstrates the continuing impact these ideas have had on the Front national and French politics and society, and how this change originated in the association of populist rhetoric with the neo-racist stigmatization of the Other.     

美国多元文化教育的理论困境与转向

20世纪90年代以来,在全球化与全球化教育、新保守主义和新自由主义等思潮的冲击下,美国的多元文化教育理论进入反思和深化阶段,并且开始从"民族国家多元文化教育"向"全球社会多元文化教育"转向,在新的发展路径中,多元文化教育仍然面临着如何调适国家、民族利益与全世界共同利益,以及文化诉求、经济诉求与政治诉求的复杂关系。     

Baltic Studies in North America: A Survey of Academic Dissertations 1911–2006

ABSTRACT

The article argues for an extended delineation of increasing Western cultural hegemony in the reconstituted Baltic states. An initial idiom of postcolonial studies is revisited in order to complement their dominant scope in the Baltics, focused primarily on a retrospective cultural study of Baltic/Soviet relationships. The argument elaborates on the urgency of the expanding research agenda regarding the Baltic/European research framework. By pointing out the frequent occurrence of the superiority or inferiority value scale in cross-cultural references sampled from press releases of the Art Museum of Estonia, the article concludes that mainstream cultural self-reflection in Estonia is nowadays subjected to the supremacy of the imagined West European viewpoint.     

美元霸权与国际货币体系改革论纲

利用美元的超中心地位,无限量地对外供给国际货币的美元霸权,已成为现行国际货币体系失衡与世界经济不稳定的一大痼疾.因此,如何对之有效地加以制约则成为后金融危机时代国际货币体系改革的关键.虽然以SDR为核心的超主权货币可彻底消弭美元霸权的负面影响,一劳永逸地解决“特里芬问题”,但SDR的先天缺陷及改革的复杂性决定了其近期内尚不具备可行性.相反地,基于危机后美元霸权在国际货币体系中不失主导作用但又日渐式微的客观现实,扩大SDR篮子的计价货币种类与达成相应的汇率协调机制,建立起以美元、欧元和主要新兴经济体国家货币在内的多元化国际货币体系则是当前国际社会改革与制衡美元霸权的一个现实选择.     

论环境时代宪法对其他生命物种权利的尊重

从物种多样性保护这一生态学上新的理论和方法出发,通过分析“生命平等”这一体现生态主义的法理基础和承认其他生命物种种群价值的法律价值取向,有必要在各国宪法中增设“应当尊重其他生命物种的生存权利”的原则规定,以弥补传统宪法在保护其他生命物种问题上没有将其与人类共同视为生命共同体的缺憾,以反映环境时代宪法权利生态化的特征。     

何种文化?谁之霸权?——从苏联与中国的政治实践看葛兰西的文化霸权理论

葛兰西文化霸权理论认为,在市民社会较为成熟的欧洲国家,无产阶级应该首先通过阵地战的方式在文化领域取得领导权,进而夺取国家政权。这就表明,现代国家的真正力量不在于统治阶级的暴力和国家机器的强制性,而在于被统治阶级对统治阶级世界观和价值体系的认同。葛兰西的理论观点对当代中国的文化和意识形态建设具有重要的借鉴意义。在当代中国,执政党确立意识形态领导权地位的方式就在于通过谈判与对话的方式,将各种具有异质目的的分散意志用务实的目标统一起来,由此形成具有共同情感和利益要求的历史的集团,开创文明的新时代。     

Intellectuals and political strategy: hegemony,posthegemony, and post-Marxist theory in Latin America

Recent work on posthegemony has sought to displace the theory of hegemony as the primary mode of understanding politics, particularly with respect to Latin America. However, this work has yet to address the history of the theory of hegemony in Latin America itself. The present article traces the history of the theory of hegemony as a reference point for Marxists in twentieth century Argentina, working through key texts from the theory’s regional introduction by Héctor Agosti, through the work of Pasado y Presente, to that of Ernesto Laclau. I argue that the theory of hegemony in the Argentine context has historically served to place intellectuals and their productions at the centre of history, and has conceived of political strategy and organisation from this perspective. Understanding this limitation and its history, I conclude, will give posthegemony theory the strategic and conceptual bearings by which to surpass the problematic of hegemony.     

The transatlantic dialogue on Iran: the European subaltern and hegemonic constraints in the implementation of the 2015 nuclear agreement with Iran

This article analyses the US–EU transatlantic dialogue on the Iranian nuclear dossier with a particular view to the implications for EU foreign policy on Iran. Doing so, it uses neo-Gramscian scholarship to put the EU’s “over-compliance” with Iran sanctions into perspective. Constrained by the imperatives of hegemonic coercion in the form of US financial Iran sanctions against third country entities and with the hegemonic consent of a Western US-led “historic bloc”, Europe was relegated to a subaltern below its mediatory potential. It will be shown how this finding complicates the EU’s ambition to renew relations with Iran. Drawing on semi-structured interviews with experts and delegation members from the P5+1, this article thus analyses “the normative element” in the transatlantic security dialogue on Iran at a time where the latter is undergoing a sea change in the wake of the implementation of the “Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action” of July 2015.     

Nigeria and South Africa: Collaboration or competition?

This article focuses on the dynamics of the relationship between Nigeria and South Africa, arguably the two most prominent states on the African continent. Each of the two states continues to make attempts at extending its hegemony beyond its respective sub-region to emerge as Africa’s foremost state. These efforts are not pursued in isolation, but affect their bilateral relations and are tied to the guiding principles of the national interest. Through data gathered from secondary sources, we analyse the trajectory of the relationship between Nigeria and South Africa, from the intensely politically contentious to the strongest of warm relations. In the final analysis, the article concludes that collaboration and competition are critical variables in the conduct of inter-state relations. Nigeria and South Africa have an historic opportunity to collaborate in the current period, in order to promote the general interest of the African continent in the international system. Will their respective pursuit of their own national interests encourage, or derail, this role?