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101.
Jonathan Fisher 《Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding》2017,11(1):98-119
ABSTRACTThe physical and social retreat of international interveners behind the walls of ‘bunkered’ aid compounds in (putatively) more remote and dangerous regions of the South has been the focus of growing critical attention in recent years. An increasingly remote and fearful culture of risk aversion and differentiation among Western states and organizations has been largely identified as the driving force behind this set of practices. This article presents a different perspective on the bunkerization phenomenon through focusing on the agency of Southern states in the process. Exploring bunkerization across eastern/central Africa—and in Ethiopia’s eastern Somali region in particular—the study emphasizes not only how African states have been key promoters of modern bunkerization, but also how bunkerization behaviour and mentalities have historically characterized how many African borderlands—and contemporary sites of international intervention—have been incorporated into the global state system. 相似文献
102.
中美商务谈判的差异表现主要在谈判战略、谈判战术、谈判决策和谈判方向四方面,这些差异可能对谈判造成误解、僵局乃至破裂等负面影响。中美商务谈判的差异表现根源在于中美文化的差异,主要表现在集体主义与个人主义的差异、思维方式差异和权力距离差异三个方面。为促进商务谈判的成功,可以采用双赢策略、团队策略、尊重策略和语言策略来应对这些差异。 相似文献
103.
近年来,全球人口最为集中的亚洲及太平洋地区,人口偷渡和贩卖层出不穷,难民问题日益严重,区域国家间的移民劳工流动日趋频繁。面对纷繁复杂的国际移民问题,亚太国家建立了一些专门性的非正式的移民治理区域磋商机制来应对。亚太移民区域磋商机制目前发挥了一定积极作用,但有效解决亚太地区复杂的移民问题仍任重道远。亚太移民区域磋商机制若不想成为国家的“弃儿”,需要释放潜力,进行更多尝试。 相似文献
104.
Paul Tiyambe Zeleza 《Canadian journal of African studies》2014,48(1):145-169
The dramatic growth in the relationship between Africa and China is one of the great stories of the twenty-first century, part of the profound transformations taking place in the global political economy. It has been greeted with excitement, consternation, and confusion. To its cheerleaders, it represents the enduring partnership between Africa and China, spawned by the historical affinities of struggles against Western imperialism and humanistic aspirations for development. To its critics, it is reminiscent of European colonisation a century earlier, in which Africa serves as a cheap source of raw materials, a lucrative export market for Chinese manufactured goods, and an outlet for its surplus capital. Rather than a development partner, some see China as Africa's biggest development competitor, whose explosive growth and insatiable quest for global markets threatens Africa's industrialisation and competitiveness. This paper examines the factors behind the development of Africa-China relations, especially its economic magnitude, and the challenges and opportunities it offers both regions. 相似文献
105.
Over the last four decades, the field of negotiation has become a fully recognized academic discipline around the world and negotiation courses and competitions have become increasingly popular. Although it is believed that negotiators may be trained and that negotiation is a skill that can be taught and evaluated, the question of how to assess negotiation performance systematically and comprehensively remains largely unanswered. This article proposes a negotiation competency model for evaluating negotiation performance. The model includes a set of selected negotiation competencies together with proficiency levels and their behavioral indicators. Our goal is to help scholars design more effective negotiation courses and fairer negotiation competitions, improve negotiation pedagogy, and train negotiators who are well prepared to handle conflicts in our increasingly complex society. 相似文献
106.
107.
余贺伟 《河南司法警官职业学院学报》2012,10(4):100-104
国际人权法上个人申诉不同于国内法上个人申诉的概念,一般用“个人来文”一词代替.国际人权法上个人申诉权的行使必须具备以下四个前提条件:其一是国际法上承认个人申诉权;其二是国际法上承认个人拥有程序行为能力;其三是个人权利在国际法上具有可诉性;其四是国家承认个人在国际法上的申诉权并接受国际个人申诉机制的管辖. 相似文献
108.
危机谈判训练是一种以谈判沟通技巧为基础技能,针对不同案件类型展开的警务技能训练,也是一种基于危机现场警务运作模式展开的工作机制训练,因此,危机谈判训练方法也分为技能训练方法和工作机制的训练方法,其中后者可以类推到以工作机制为训练目标的警务指挥、应急指挥训练中。 相似文献
109.
蒋玉梅 《国家教育行政学院学报》2013,(9)
通过对美国、英国、澳大利亚、荷兰四国科研评价体系发展的纵向梳理,以及对四国最新科研评价体系的横向比较,可以发现此四国科研体系具有一些共同的演进逻辑和发展趋势:评价体系的精细化、评价成本效益的最大化、政府引导的明朗化。这些评价体系的特点对我国建设科学而多元的科研评价体系具有重要的借鉴意义。 相似文献
110.
Dominik Zaum 《Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding》2017,11(4):409-428
This article critically examines authority-building practices of international transitional administrations (ITAs) engaged in statebuilding, and evaluates authority building as a framework for understanding the practices of statebuilding operations. It argues that war-torn states rarely lack actors claiming authority, but that these claims are often competing and mutually exclusive, and frequently not widely recognized. Building authority, therefore, requires ITAs to choose between different actors, recognizing the authority claims of some and withholding recognition from others, seeking ways to strengthen their ability to justify their authority claims vis-à-vis domestic and international audiences. Through authority-building practices, external actors directly become part of the political competition and dynamics of war-affected societies. The discussion of authority building by ITAs proceeds in three steps. The first section outlines the concept of political authority, in particular in the context of fragile states and of ITAs, and discusses relevant methodological issues. The second section then examines three distinct aspects of authority building by ITAs: claiming and justifying their own authority, recognizing and validating the authority claims of local actors, and strengthening the capacity of local actors to justify their authority claims. The final section concludes the paper with some reflections on political authority and authority building. 相似文献