近代国人对郑成功形象的塑造与精神的传承——以报刊文献中的郑成功传记为中心

晚清以前，郑成功正面至多是以“遗民忠义”的“忠烈”形象受人景仰。19世纪末20世纪初，随着西方民族主义思潮的传人，革命者开始用近代民族国家的视角重新塑造和认识中国既往的历史。郑成功因其“排满驱荷开拓台湾”的历史功绩及极富传奇色彩的生平，尤被晚清革命者所看重。在后者的阐释下，作为“反清英雄”的代表人物之一，郑成功形象发生“近代转型”，既迎合了反清革命宣传的需要，又是重构民族历史的重要组成部分。民国成立后，郑成功的英雄形象融入了国人的历史记忆之中，因应时代的需求，一直成为激励国人奋发图强、救亡图存的精神资源。抗战胜利后，郑成功又被作为光复台湾的精神象征而受到国人的进一步推崇。     

隐性动态贫困的识别与治理——兼论反向国债作为扶贫济困新思路的可行性

“隐性动态贫困”的识别与治理是一个世界性难题,也是我国扶贫济困工作未来所面对的主要挑战。传统治理工具主要应对“绝对贫困状态-相对贫困状态”路径及存在可识别的贫困表征的相对贫困问题,较难对“非贫困状态-相对贫困状态”路径的相对贫困问题进行有效的识别与应对。以“隐性动态贫困”问题的有效识别与应对为目标,国家应推出反向国债作为一种新的扶贫济困的治理工具,以作为传统扶贫济困治理工具的补充,为相对贫困中的“隐性动态贫困”问题的识别与治理提供新思路。     

边疆民族地区乡村振兴战略实施模式研究 基于协同治理的视角

乡村振兴战略政策的落实,对边疆民族地区全面建成小康社会至关重要。文章选取边疆民族地区耿马自治县及M村中关于乡村振兴战略实施的政策文本内容为分析对象,运用R软件进行关键词提取、绘制聚类图谱,采用Nvivo软件进行编码、词频统计和词云制作。结果显示,边疆民族地区乡村振兴战略政策实施的主题包括:新农村建设、“三农”工作、农村生态环境保护、农村社会发展等热点问题。在此基础之上,文章总结出边疆民族地区乡村振兴战略政策实施模式的基本架构。最后,从协同治理理论的视角,提出以政策协同、项目协同、服务协同为分析框架,以乡村社会体制吸纳为着力点,实现生态共治的现代化乡村治理模式。     

Managing the difficult past: Ukrainian collective memory and public debates on history

This article analyzes the status of difficult historic events in Ukrainian collective memory. Difficult elements of collective memory are defined as those which divide society on basic matters, such as identity and national cohesion, and events which are being actively forgotten because of the role of Ukrainians as perpetrators. Three such issues were analyzed: World War II and the role of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA), the Holocaust, and the ethnic purge of Poles in Volhynia and Eastern Galicia in 1943–1945. Utilizing data from quantitative and qualitative studies, the author showcases the significance of these issues for contemporary Ukrainian identity and Ukraine’s relations with its neighbors. In particular, the evaluation of World War II and the role of the UPA in Ukrainian history polarizes Ukrainian society to a great degree. At the same time, this element of national history is used to construct a common, anti-Russian identity. The difficulty of relating to the memory of the Holocaust and the ethnic purge in Volhynia is of a different character. These events are problematic for Ukrainian collective memory because they demand a painful settling of accounts with the past. At present, only Ukrainian elites are willing to work on these subjects, and only to a limited degree, while the common consciousness either denies or ignores them altogether.     

新中国70年国家安全观的演变:认知、内涵与应对

新中国成立以来，面对国内外安全环境的变化，中国实现了由传统安全观向总体国家安全观的演变，显著体现在安全环境研判、安全内容认知和安全维护手段三个方面。中共十八大以来，中国在安全方面频繁推出新理念、新方案和新举措，中国的安全能力不断增强，国际安全影响日益增加。在安全观方面，中国先后提出了总体国家安全观、亚洲新安全观、亚太安全观等理念，实现了安全观的变革与创新。安全环境研判方面，对国内安全的认知更加全面系统、对周边安全的认知更加统筹协调、对国际安全认知更加注重“中国作为”；安全内容认知方面，认知内容日益丰富，兼顾传统安全与非传统安全，统筹国家安全与人民安全；安全维护手段方面，不断完善国家安全体系、加强国家安全能力建设和推进国际安全合作。回顾新中国七十年国家安全观的演变，历经安全实践的锤炼，已经形成了一些基本经验，主要体现在安全环境研判需考虑内外因素并注重其联动性、坚持核心安全需求的底线和安全维护手段要以和为贵、文攻武备。展望未来，其重要启示在于中国的国家安全观要注重安全需求与安全能力之间的平衡，将安全能力建设视为至关重要的任务，不断促进安全维护手段的多样性和灵活性。     

特朗普安全战略的调整与限度

随着特朗普政府陆续出台一系列战略文件，相关安全政策付诸实施，其安全战略的基本态势逐渐清晰。特朗普的安全观和政策举措，共同构成执政初期安全战略的主体。特朗普的安全观建立在其自身对世界“霍布斯主义”认知的基础上，同时融合了共和党现实主义安全观的基本主张，反映了军工企业及军人群体等背后主要利益集团的核心诉求。特朗普的安全政策仍处于成型中，在军事战略、新空间战略和地区安全战略三个层面举措较多，相关布局较为系统，集中折射了其安全理念。在军事安全层面，在重塑美军优势的核心目标下，扩张性的态势表现明显；在新空间战略层面，进攻性、军事化的特征尤为突出；在地区安全战略层面虽然在手段上有所变化，但总体延续了防御性战略。特朗普的安全战略调整未来仍将面临诸多限度，包括财政制约、同时应对两个大国难以兼顾、建制派的牵制等。特朗普的安全战略将加剧中美在安全领域的对抗态势，两国在军事战略、新空间战略稳定以及南海问题上的对冲和深层矛盾或进一步发酵。安全关系的上述变化将给中美“竞争”增添新变数。     

A New Progressive Patriotism

The need to hold capital to account and to bend markets to the common good is as powerful as ever, yet it is becoming steadily harder to create an electoral or political majority for such an idea in societies that are fractured and divided. The fundamental bond between voters and parties depends on political identity relationships; old ones are fading, new ones need to be created. The most dynamic politics in advanced capitalist societies are those of nation, people and place. The strategic challenge for the left is to create a new progressive patriotism that can embed radical ideas in a common sense of national purpose.     

New Changes in the International Situation and China's Strategic Choices

The international situation is evolving more impressively than it has at any time since the end of the Cold War.Globalization has been in decline.Nations are scrambling to gain greater influence.The international strategic pattern is being adjusted.Many countries have problems with public management,and are faced with a new array of social trends and increasingly popular movements.The world is entering a new era full of chaos and anxiety.Mankind once again faces significant trade-offs and choices in peace and conflict,development and recession,openness and isolation,liberalism and conservatism.China strives to advocate win-win cooperation and lead the trend of reform and opening to maintain a favorable external environment despite world chaos,and enhance status and institutional rights in the international system.China's 30 years of development was successful in the process of integrating into the existing international system;China is a participant as well as a builder of the international system,rather than a challenger or a subversive.In the future,with a constructive attitude,China will promote the international system in a more reasonable direction together with international partners,in order to better safeguard world peace and security,and promote sustainable development throughout the world.     

“We have to tell our own story”: semiotics of resisting negative stereotypes of Nigeria in the heart of Africa nation branding campaign

This study examines the semiotic resources deployed in resisting negative stereotypes of Nigeria in the international community, particularly representations of the country in the Western media. Data for the study were drawn from Nigeria’s Heart of Africa nation branding campaign. The study applies the discourse-historical approach (DHA) pioneered by Ruth Wodak of the Vienna School of CDA. DHA attempts to integrate much available knowledge about the historical sources and the background of the social and political fields in which discursive events are embedded. Further applying Reisigl and Wodak's presentation of the discursive strategies normally oriented towards understanding texts related to nations and national identities, among others, the study reveals that in appropriating the semiotic resources in the campaign, the discourse producers have predilection for the discursive strategies of mitigating negative attributes which the out-group intensifies, and highlighting positive attributes which the out-group seemingly under-reports in its representations of Nigeria. Notwithstanding the rhetorical dynamics of the semiotic resources, the study concludes that enduring national image management thrives on creating new images and associations lived by a country’s citizens rather than tries to refute old ones.     

少年司法国家责任论纲

由于国家责任的缺失，限制了我国少年司法制度的宏观规划、整体布局与协同进步，以致法律体系不完善、地域差别较大、部门协作壁垒等问题一直存在。国家责任更具“宣誓”意义和政策指引价值，其与政府责任、司法机关责任存在主体不同、责任内容不同、责任实现方式不同等区别。从国家责任角度出发，应加速制定“儿童福利法”，完善儿童福利制度，理顺刑事诉讼法内部规则，细化收容教养制度，协调刑法、刑事诉讼法与其他部门法的衔接；少年司法所需经费可实行国家财政统一拨付，国家应统筹发展少年司法模式，并大力发展中西部少年司法社工组织及少年司法社工；明确司法机关、政府相关部门的责任分配，强化家庭、学校作用的发挥，积极推动公安、司法机关、政府部门与少年司法社工组织的协同发展。