芪黄煎剂对脂多糖诱导的巨噬细胞M1型极化及p38MAPK/NF-κB通路的影响

目的 观察芪黄煎剂对脂多糖（lipopolysaccharide,LPS）刺激的巨噬细胞M1型极化及p38丝裂原活化蛋白激酶（p38 mitogen activated protein kinases,p38MAPK）/核因子-κB（nuclear factor-kappa B,NF-κB）通路的影响。方法 对SD大鼠灌服芪黄煎剂制备含药血清。将RAW264.7巨噬细胞分为对照组、LPS组、LPS+芪黄煎剂组、芪黄煎剂+LPS组、LPS+NF-κB抑制剂组、LPS+p38MAPK抑制剂组、LPS+NF-κB抑制剂+芪黄煎剂组及LPS+p38MAPK抑制剂+芪黄煎剂组。除了对照组,其余各组均使用LPS诱导RAW264.7巨噬细胞24 h。采用流式细胞术检测巨噬细胞极化方向;ELISA法测定细胞培养上清液中白细胞介素-6（interleukin-6,IL-6）、白细胞介素-1β（interleukin-1β,IL-1β）、肿瘤坏死因子-α（tumor necrosis factor alpha,TNF-α）水平。RT-qPCR法检测细胞内IL-6、IL-1β、TNF-α、NF-κB p65、p38MAPK、核因子-κB抑制蛋白α（inhibitor of nuclear factor-kappa B alpha,IκBα）、Toll样受体4（Toll-like receptor 4,TLR4）、肿瘤坏死因子受体相关因子6（tumor necrosis factor receptor-associated factor 6,TRAF6）mRNA表达水平,Western blot法检测NF-κB p65、p38MAPK、IκBα、TLR4、TRAF6蛋白表达水平。结果 与对照组比较,LPS组细胞表面CD86表达水平升高,CD206表达水平降低（P<0.05）;与LPS组比较,LPS+芪黄煎剂组细胞表面CD86表达水平降低,CD206表达水平升高（P<0.05）;与LPS+NF-κB抑制剂组比较,LPS+NF-κB抑制剂+芪黄煎剂组细胞表面CD86、CD206表达水平降低（P<0.05）。芪黄煎剂、NF-κB抑制剂显著降低LPS诱导的RAW264.7巨噬细胞上清液中IL-6、IL-1β、TNF-α水平（P＜0.05）,芪黄煎剂加强了NF-κB抑制剂的作用（P＜0.05）。芪黄煎剂、NF-κB抑制剂显著降低LPS诱导的RAW264.7巨噬细胞中IL-6、IL-1β、TNF-α、NF-κB p65、p38MAPK、IκBα mRNA及其蛋白表达水平（P＜0.05）,芪黄煎剂加强了NF-κB抑制剂的作用（P＜0.05）;NF-κB抑制剂不能显著降低LPS诱导的RAW264.7巨噬细胞中TLR4、TRAF6 mRNA及其蛋白表达水平（P＞0.05）,而芪黄煎剂显著加强了NF-κB抑制剂的作用（P＜0.05）。结论 芪黄煎剂含药血清可抑制LPS诱导的巨噬细胞炎症反应,其机制可能与调控p38MAPK/NF-κB信号通路抑制巨噬细胞向M1型极化有关。     

消核冲剂对乳腺增生大鼠性激素水平及PCNA表达的影响

目的:观察中药复方消核冲剂对实验性乳腺增生大鼠血清性激素水平和增生乳腺组织中增殖细胞核抗原(PCNA)表达的影响,探讨该药物治疗乳腺增生病的可能机制.方法:Wistar雌性大鼠60只,随机分为空白对照组(对照组)、模型对照组(模型组)、消核冲剂组(中药组)、他莫昔芬组(西药组),每组15只.肌注苯甲酸雌二醇(E2)、黄体酮复制大鼠乳腺增生模型.模型复制后灌服药物,化学发光免疫法测定血清性激素水平,免疫组化法观察乳腺组织PCNA的表达.结果:中药组和西药组血清E2、孕酮(P)水平均低于模型组,差异有显著性;PCNA阳性细胞数目和阳性细胞面积中药组和西药组均明显减少.中药组各项指标的改变与西药组相比均无明显差异.结论:中药复方消核冲剂对乳腺增生大鼠血清性激素水平具有调节作用,同时也能够下调PCNA阳性表达.     

Africa–India nuclear cooperation: Pragmatism,principle, post-colonialism and the Pelindaba Treaty

The United States–India nuclear agreement, announced in 2005, was a first step in the process to normalise India's international nuclear relations despite the fact that India is not a party to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. Africa is largely seen as a uranium supplier rather than nuclear power producer in the world nuclear order. The position that African states take towards Africa–India nuclear cooperation, uranium supply to India in particular, is informed by two seemingly contrasting factors, namely economic and political pragmatism on the one hand, and non-proliferation imperatives and norms on the other. The African Nuclear Weapons Free Zone Treaty, also referred to as the Pelindaba Treaty, prohibits uranium and nuclear-related exports to states without comprehensive safeguards of their nuclear facilities, but the case of India is still open for interpretation. Africa and India's shared post-colonial consciousness, manifesting in their historical ties, membership of the Non-Aligned Movement and South–South cooperation, is often regarded as another factor facilitating Africa–India nuclear relations. A more critical view points to the different notions of post-coloniality in Africa and India, resulting in different approaches to nuclear non-proliferation that constrain their nuclear relations.     

On Improvement of China＇s Criminal Legal System for Nuclear Pollution

日本福岛核危机再次表明,核污染一旦发生就危害巨大,因此,核安全保障体系必须奠基于“防患于未然”理念之上。由此观之,我国《刑法》在核污染的应对上尚存诸多缺陷：从形式角度来看,未能与《放射性污染防治法》有效衔接;从实质角度来看,未能突破末端应对中心主义的思维惯性;此外,对于证明行为人主观意图方面的困难也未能有效解决。作为因应,设立核污染源头控制环节的抽象危险犯和过失犯实属必要。     

THE IRAN NUCLEAR NEGOTIATIONS: ONE YEAR ON

This article, written by the former British Ambassador to Iran, starts with an overview from an insider's perspective of the 15 years of diplomacy leading up to the July 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) regarding Iran's Nuclear capabilities. It discusses the merits of the plan and its prospects for the future. It examines the development of international economic engagement, and in particular argues that the western powers need to do far more to deliver an economic quid pro quo for Iran's nuclear concessions: if the situation is not appreciably better soon, it will be impossible for the US and its partners to argue credibly that they are not in breach of the JCPOA. The article concludes with a discussion of Iran's economic and political prospects in the light of the nuclear deal.     

5F-UR-144的热不稳定性研究

目的利用气相色谱-质谱法(GC-MS)、液相色谱-四级杆-飞行时间质谱(LC-Q-TOF/MS)和核磁共振光谱法(NMR)研究合成大麻素5F-UR-144遇热分解的具体变化情况。方法对照品用无水乙醇定容稀释后,经GC-MS和LC-Q-TOF/MS检测得到对应的色谱图和质谱图;对照品分别于常温和280℃密封加热后用无水乙醇定容稀释,经LC-Q-TOF/MS和NMR检测得到对应的质谱图、¹H和¹³C核磁共振波谱;对照品分别于常温逐步提升至300℃密封加热后用无水乙醇定容稀释,经LC-Q-TOF/MS检测得到对应的色谱图。结果5F-UR-144在高温下会开环产生新的物质;5F-UR-144从130℃开始分解,随着温度升高分解程度提升,240℃时分解率达到98%;随着温度继续升高,超过260℃,分解产物会碳化。结论基于5F-UR-144的热不稳定性,在检测时应考虑若通过烫食方式吸食5F-UR-144,其进入人体的成分会发生变化;气相色谱或气相色谱-质谱法不适合定量检测5F-UR-144。     

A blessing in disguise? Scottish independence and the end of the UK nuclear posture

This article examines the implications of Scottish independence for the UK's nuclear posture. It is argued here that a vote for independence will critically undermine this posture. Since the UK nuclear force operates entirely out of Scotland, and since the Scottish government continues to assert its intention to see nuclear weapons removed from an independent Scotland, it is overwhelmingly likely that a ‘Yes’ vote will prompt a demand for the drawdown of the UK nuclear force in Scotland. If it wished to maintain its nuclear capability, the UK government would then have to make alternative basing arrangements. It is argued here that a host of legal, financial and political difficulties may preclude any such relocation and that Downing Street may ultimately be left with little option but to surrender the UK's nuclear capability. This article concludes that far from weakening the UK, a surrendering of its nuclear posture would result in a stronger and more functional UK military footprint and would bolster the UK's standing in the international arena.