Trade,export controls,and non‐proliferation in the Asia‐Pacific region

Abstract

Stemming the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMD) — nuclear, biological, and chemical — and the missiles to deliver them comprises a crucial element in contemporary security policies. Many observers believe the utility of export controls in this effort is diminishing. While the authors believe that controls on the transfer of military and dual‐use items remain relatively effective and efficient compared to the alternative policy tools, they argue for the development of a more compelling rationale for export controls than restraining proliferation. The authors suggest that an emphasis on the links between non‐proliferation, regional stability, and economic prosperity could help policymakers transcend the more traditional view that such controls sacrifice economic gain for military security. Specifically, the authors argue that proliferation is bad for regional stability and regional economic growth, and that a prudent multilateral system of controls on dual‐use items establishes a foundation for both greater economic and security benefits.     

After the Fukushima Disaster: Japan's Nuclear Policy Change from 2011 to 2012

This article analyzes why and how the cabinet of Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) decided in September 2012 to phase‐out nuclear power plants by 2039—the decision representing a large policy change from previous energy‐supply policy, in which the dependence on nuclear power would continuously grow. In doing so, this article examines the causal relationship between three factors identified on the basis of theoretical models explaining policy change; change in the governing coalition from the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) to DPJ in 2009, the Fukushima accident, and the change in public opinion. Based on opinion poll and deliberative polling data, as well as discourse analyses of DPJ leaders’ statements, the article concludes that the change in public opinion on nuclear energy after the Fukushima accident was crucial in inducing the DPJ's decision to phase‐out nuclear power plants by affecting DPJ leaders' interests in vote‐ and office‐seeking. Finally, I discuss the applicability of the theoretical models developed on the basis of U.S. pluralistic cases to Japan and the issues to be explored for the further development of policy process models.     

新型盗窃行为探析

《刑法修正案(八)》增加了三种新的盗窃行为类型,使盗窃罪的客观构成要件相对趋向于具体化。入户盗窃,是指非法进入他人生活的与外界相对隔离的住所窃取他人财物;携带凶器盗窃,是指行为人随身携带国家禁止个人携带的器械或其他器械进行盗窃的行为;扒窃是指行为人在公共场所盗窃别人随身的财物。对三种新类型盗窃行为方式的研究和探讨,有助于更准确地把握盗窃罪的实质和预防此类犯罪。     

约束与局限：试述台湾核武器计划与美国的对策

1964年中国大陆成功进行第一次核试验后,台湾试图秘密研制核武器以改变现状。对此,美国一方面通过和平使用核能与台湾进行合作,另一方面则限制其不得从事浓缩铀的提炼以及核废料的后处理。然而在冷战的背景下,美国并未严格约束台湾研制核武器,导致台湾不断违背承诺。     

Multilateral Nuclear Disarmament

Although the political salience of nuclear disarmament has fallen dramatically since the end of the Cold War, the threat posed by nuclear weapons today remains at least as great as it was before 1989. The growing number of states either armed with or actively developing nuclear weapons programmes has placed existing control and monitoring frameworks under strain. In this article, Baroness Williams, a long time campaigner for multilateral nuclear disarmament, discusses the nature of today's nuclear threat and particularly the political challenge presented by states whose behaviour is not predictable. If further proliferation is to be prevented, the international community must renew its efforts at implementing a robust regime of control. The IAEA must be given the authority and the resources necessary to conduct inspections anywhere in the world without prior warning. At the same time, the world's nuclear states powers must begin genuine efforts at disarmament.     

面对城市与农村的两难抉择——对河北翟城村分离的核心家庭的考察

本文以中国的社会变迁、家庭变革为背景,通过对河北翟城村的实际考察,揭示出一种特殊的家庭结构形式--分离的核心家庭.它符合人类家庭发展的基本趋势,但受中国这一特殊场域的制约,具体地说是受到中国的制度结构及农民自身理性选择的影响,又呈现出自身的特点.本文试图对这一家庭结构的形成、及它对家庭和社会的影响做一分析和探讨.     

谈如何控制与制服持凶器的犯罪嫌疑人

文章分析了持凶器的犯罪嫌疑人的心理因素,探讨了控制和制服持凶器的犯罪嫌疑人战术的组织与实施方法,并针对当前公安民警在对持凶器的犯罪嫌疑人的执法战斗中应注意的问题,提出了相应的对策与建议,以期为公安民警在执法战斗中能更有效地控制与制服持凶器的犯罪嫌疑人。     

朝核六方会谈:危机和机会

尽管由于中国的努力,第一次朝核六方会议成功召开了,但因朝一美双方分歧太大,此次会议取得的实质成果不大.今后的事态发展,中国的作用举足轻重.     

Anti-American,pro-Chinese sentiment in South Korea

Anti-American, pro-Chinese sentiment is spreading widely in South Korea. This phenomenon is caused by extreme US-ROK policy dissension over matters related to North Korea, especially the nuclear questions, and South Korea's emotional attachment for China based on historical and geopolitical factors. In order to prevent this irrational situation from damaging the mutual interests of both Washington and Seoul, the two capitals should come up with mutually acceptable options for nuclear issues—placing more gravity and priority on dialogue over sanctions as a matter of strategy. Coercive measures can be employed only as a last resort. In order to maintain peace, to fulfill the political responsibility as a great power in East Asia, and to reciprocate to South Korea's positive expectation, Beijing should play a more constructive role in resolving the North Korean nuclear issues and in inducing Pyongyang to open up and reform more aggressively.     

修正辩论主义与武器平等的证明责任

修正辩论主义为证明责任理论中武器平等原则的实现提供了新的契机。法官对双方当事人的主观证明责任进行干预在公益诉讼等现代型诉讼中具有相当的必要性,有利于平衡双方利益。为实现武器平等原则,在证据事实提出方面,强调法官的释明权和当事人证据协力义务的合理运用。另外,非讼法理和自由证明方式向诉讼程序的扩张,也是构建武器平等的证明责任理论与制度有效路径。