The Shanghai Co-operation Organisation: China's Initiative in Regional Institutional Building

China's initiative in establishing and promoting the development of the Shanghai Co-operation Organisation (SCO) is an interesting case study of China's attempt at regional institution building. China's increasing interest in Central Asia coincided with its gradual acceptance and rising enthusiasm regarding participation in regional organisations. The “Shanghai Five” mechanism and the SCO were seen as appropriate mechanisms for pursuing China's multiple interests in the region; their development was also in line with the improvement in Sino-Russian relations. Chinese leaders have skilfully developed the SCO's institutional framework, and they seem intent on getting good value for the resources spent. The leaders have also demonstrated considerable patience when the SCO's development encountered setbacks.     

Energy and security in the Gulf of Guinea: a Nigerian perspective

This article explores the full ramifications of the evolving strategic environment in the Gulf of Guinea. It argues that the ‘new scramble’ or ‘oil rush’ in the region since its emergence as a critical energy repository and a strategic supplier to the global oil markets has elicited multiple lines of interest represented by both state and non-state actors. By delving into Nigeria's oil-rich context, this paper explores the fierce competition for influence ushered in by these developments, the contested notion of ‘security’ and ‘sovereignty’, and the emergent patterns of contestations as the Nigerian state mediates between global and local forces in its oil complex. Finally, it brings into bold relief the complexities of the intensified struggle for access to the region's vast energy resources — the current global economic downturn notwithstanding — and the challenge it poses to the region, and particularly to Nigeria, the dominant player in the region.     

Can oil-reliant countries democratize? An assessment of the role of civil society in Algeria

A cursory look around the world shows that few oil-reliant countries can be categorized as democracies, particularly those in the Middle East. In fact, many studies have suggested that oil wealth hinders democratization. The recent “Arab Spring” and subsequent political instability in oil-producing states such as Algeria, Egypt, Libya and Syria gives rise to questions regarding the prospects for democracy in these types of countries. This article provides an analysis of the possible role that civil society may play in democratization in oil-reliant states by looking at the case of Algeria. I argue that the seemingly meaningless and artificial acts of “liberalization” initiated by the Algerian government in the late 1980s, which initially allowed civic associations to form, have provided an opening for some civic associations to organize and oppose the government. This process of liberalization, regardless of how empty it may have seemed at first, has “opened floodgates” that now cannot be closed. Thus, the recent protests in Algeria, and continued opposition to the government, can be seen as directly facilitated by the government's prior liberalization and opening of the system to civic associations.     

Carbon democracy

Abstract

States that depend upon oil revenues appear to be less democratic than other states. Yet oil presents a much larger problem for democracy: faced with the threats of oil depletion and catastrophic climate change, the democratic machineries that emerged to govern the age of carbon energy seem to be unable to address the processes that may end it. This article explores these multiple dimensions of carbon democracy, by examining the intersecting histories of coal, oil and democracy in the twentieth century. Following closely the methods by which fossil fuels were produced, distributed and converted into other forms of socio-technical organization, financial circulation and political power, the article traces ways in which the concentration and control of energy flows could open up democratic possibilities or close them down; how connections were engineered in the post-war period between the flow of oil and the flows of international finance, on which democratic stability was thought to depend; how these same circulations made possible the emergence of the economy and its unlimited growth as the main object of democratic politics; and how the relations among forms of energy, finance, economic knowledge, democracy and violence were transformed in the 1967–74 oil–dollar Middle East crises.     

Building politics: The British Embassy Peking, 1949–1992

Abstract

Timor-Leste is among the youngest nations in the world. It began its independence under difficult circumstances: poverty is widespread, education is poor, the industrial sector is non-existent, and political turbulence is on the rise. On the positive side, future oil revenues are predicted to be substantial, which could potentially be a great help in Timor-Leste's struggle for development. This paper examines critically the possibility for Timor-Leste to use oil revenues to achieve economic development. It describes how difficult it is to estimate the future revenues because of volatile prices, territorial disputes, and insufficient seismological mapping. It continues with a discussion of the ‘resource curse’ – the difficulty of combining natural resources with economic development. Moreover, the particular challenges for Timor-Leste's development are dealt with at some length, as are possible ways to avoid the resource curse.     

石油企业思想政治工作面临的问题及对策

在全球经济一体化和市场多元化进程加快的背景下,石油企业思想政治工作存在地位和作用定位不清、大政工格局没有形成合力、创新力度不够、队伍职业化建设动力不足等问题。新形势下,必须要适应石油企业治理结构变化,强化思想政治工作”生命线”作用;优化整合业务流程,建构高效”大政工格局;创新运作机制模式,提升思想政治工作整体效能;建设一专多能复合型政工干部队伍,为企业科学发展提供强力支撑。     

Pipeline Diplomacy: The Geopolitics of the Caspian Sea Region

The Caspian Sea region is important to world energy markets because it holds large reserves of undeveloped oil and natural gas. In order to fully utilize these resources several challenges need to be addressed. These include an accurate assessment of the region's hydrocarbon resources; rivalries between regional and international powers; domestic ethnic conflicts; and lack of appropriate export routes. This study examines these four obstacles. It argues that the region could help increase world energy security by diversifying global sources of supply; however, the notion that the Caspian's oil and gas can be the panacea to long–term global energy security is misguided.     

油灰中夹杂的菜籽油的检验

目的检验油灰中夹杂的菜籽油,为一起渔船漏水事故的定性提供证据。方法运用气相色谱法和红外光谱法对船体修缮油灰进行检验。结果检出其中含有菜籽油成份。结论证明了劣质材料引发事故的事实。     

船舶油污损害赔偿中的诉讼主体问题

重点讨论我国船舶油污损害赔偿中经常遇到的两个关键性问题,即谁有权利代表国家提出请求?谁有责任对污染损害进行赔偿?认为在通常情况下只有海洋主管部门有权代表国家提出污染损害赔偿请求,而赔偿主体则通常不仅包括实际漏油船,还应包括货主。     

俄罗斯石油出口分析

俄罗斯石油资源丰富,已探明石油储量居世界第六位,石油产量和出口量居世界第二位,在世界石油格局中举足轻重。俄罗斯石油出口以面向欧洲为主,但亚太地区等其他出口市场对俄罗斯的重要性正在提升。为克服石油出口中的障碍性因素,进一步挖掘石油出口潜力,俄罗斯将重点建设石油输送管道,并根据国际国内政治、经济形势的变化不断调控石油输出方向,以期达到最佳政治、经济效果。