论网络时代的高校思想政治工作

网络时代对高校思想政治工作产生了多方面的影响。为了适应时代发展的要求,迎接挑战,高校思想政治工作必须进行各个方面的创新。     

论政治文明在社会文明结构中的地位

在人类文明结构中,物质文明是社会发展的基础,政治文明是社会和谐的保障,精神文明是社会进步的标志.     

逻辑原点、基本原则与功能期待:完善监察监督机制的应然面向

监察监督作为反映监察委员会基本职能的内在要求,从规范的运行层面回应了集中统一反腐的政治逻辑。作为监督的实现方式之一,其广义监督的范畴涵盖了监察委员会业已整合的监督、调查与处置职能,性质上有别于党内执纪监督、人大权力监督及检察机关法律监督。在监察委员会广义监督职能的实现过程中,应从监督权配置的政治逻辑原点出发,严格保障监察监督各项功能实现的特定方式;应遵从监督法定、正当与公开的基本原则,防止“以调查为中心”的办案模式僭越监察权应有之边界;应从政治、社会、法治与人文功能期待上畅通监察监督权利救济渠道,以确保处于法治化轨道中的监察监督机制之形成契合国家监察体制改革的总体方向。     

网络政治参与行为的政治心理机制分析——基于项目反应理论的测量

项目反应理论可以更加科学地测量权利观、权威观等复杂的政治心理概念,探析网络政治参与的政治心理机制。可能影响网络政治参与的政治心理包括基础价值、宏观制度感知和具体行为感知,前两者反映网络政治参与“心理型视角”的解释机制,具体行为感知反映“工具型视角”的解释机制。网民的公正感、权威感、国家认同影响公民的网络政治参与,具体行为感知的影响则不显著。网络政治参与行为更多受到“心理型视角”的要素影响。对于网络政治参与的引导和规范,政府不仅需要大力发展电子政务,提供更便捷的技术平台,还需要加强公民政治教育,规范网络政治参与行为。     

中国地方政府创新的类型学:基于"控制-嵌入-规范"框架的分析

府际结构、政社关系与行政文化是理解地方政府创新的关键变量,并构成了地方政府创新的"控制-嵌入-规范"框架。基于此框架,区分了三种典型的地方政府创新模式:中央主导型创新、地方回应型创新和地方自发型创新,并对三种地方政府创新的特征、优势及局限等进行了对比。创新类型的差异实则是地方政府创新核心机制和关键变量的区别。分析表明,控制、嵌入和规范机制对地方政府创新的内在逻辑有较强的解释力。而该类型学划分在理论上部分回应了当前有关中国地方治理模式的讨论,在经验上为进一步通过地方政府创新推动地方治理现代化提供了参考。     

菲律宾政治集团在南海问题上的共识、分歧及成因

菲律宾国内各政治集团对菲律宾南海政策的制定产生程度不一的影响。基于维护本国利益的国家本位意识和立场,菲律宾各政治集团在南海问题上的共识有:坚持菲律宾所占据的南海岛礁的“主权”;要求以《联合国海洋法公约》为依据来解决南海争端;坚持南海仲裁“裁决”,等等。而硬实力的不足、美国安全承诺的不确定、中国在南海问题上的克制与和平立场以及菲律宾民情等因素导致菲律宾各政治集团在一定程度上达成通过和平方式解决南海问题的共识。除了对策略手段运用的不同理解导致的分歧,菲律宾各政治集团在南海问题上的分歧主要体现在对于菲美同盟及菲美双边军事协议存在着认同与强烈反对的不同声音,其深层原因来自于要求独立自主的反美民族主义与菲律宾国家安全需要之间的矛盾。菲律宾后续仍可能试图以南海“仲裁”结果对中国进行“软”抗争;菲美军事安全合作仍有强化的可能;中菲南海双边谈判以及共同开发协议有可能会随着菲律宾国内政治形势的变动而受到影响,存在较大变数。     

“Industrial Defence Against the Whole World”: Deakinite New Protection as Narrative of Global Modernity

As it evolved towards the New Protection program from 1906, Deakinite protectionism manifested as a historicised narrative of modernity: an attempt to impose a rationale of nation-building over the heterogeneous and unstable impact of new economic relations and technologies, and the tense dynamics of competition between nations. History was invoked by actors fashioning the nation-building task in post Federation Australia as they claimed to make decisive breaks with past practice, reflected in innovative government strategies and social reforms. The anxieties and opportunities stimulated by global industrial modernity defined New Protection policy, evident in the formation of political narrative and parliamentary legislation, and government intervention in the conduct of business enterprise and industrial relations. The objectives and contradictions of New Protection were clarified in the political narratives and policy interventions constructed to secure the future of the Sunshine Harvester enterprise and its workforce.     

Institutional dynamics and party think tank development: Britain and Germany compared

Official party think tanks have been a fixture in a number of Western European democracies for many decades but not so in the Anglo-American democratic sphere even though think tanks aligned to parties have flourished. This article explores the reasons that party and think tank ties have evolved differently in these two settings through an examination of the party think tank scene in Germany and Britain. It is suggested that the predominant form of democracy operating in each of these settings helps to explain this critical difference. While the adversarial tendencies of the British political system militate against parties taking much of an interest in establishing official party think tanks, the consensual institutional dynamics associated with Germany’s political system has encouraged parties to sponsor their formation, and reinforced the perceived importance of the party think tank vehicle as agents of democratic linkage.     

Who is in the ‘‘We’’? Interrogating the African Union’s Agenda 2063 and Youth Political Participation

Most analyses of the African Union (AU) have focused on the politics of the state and the presidents. There are very few analyses that have focused on aspects such as youth development. The point of departure for this article therefore, is youth development. I argue that although the youth were always part of important historical developments in Africa, they remain on the periphery. In recent times, particularly since the transformation of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) into the AU in the 2000s, the youth development agenda has begun to receive the attention at policy level. In 2015 the AU, through Agenda 2063 went a step further by including youth development into mainstream continental policy frameworks. While we welcome all these developments it has emerged that the continent remains hesitant in the area of youth development. Where the AU and its member states have adopted the discourse of youth inclusion—in cases where youth political participation is often limited, such efforts are not met with fitting institutional and practical policy arrangements. The article posits that the African elite is in for a rude awakening as we have witnessed—since 2011—given the discovery by the African youth of new methods of political participation in post-colonial Africa. The article advocates for the adoption of the African community outlook to youth state policy, argues for the youth to be linked to the project of economic freedom, and implores the African elite to embark on the decolonial project to resolve the bearing coloniality of being, power and knowledge.     

Parliament,printed petitions and the political imaginary in seventeenth-century England

ABSTRACT

Building on recent scholarship relating to the emergence of printed petitions in Britain in the seventeenth century, this article concentrates on those printed petitions that were designed for more or less discreet or limited circulation in order to lobby parliament. It draws on two collections of such material gathered by the MPs Bulstrode Whitelocke (in the 1650s) and Sir Michael Wentworth (in the 1680s and 1690s). Because print facilitated novel ways of engaging with parliament – not least as problems went unresolved and cases dragged on – printed petitions provide a useful window into the aspirations and frustrations of supplicants, and indeed into their political thinking, however rudimentary this may have been. In tracing what might be called the ‘political imaginary’ of contemporary petitioners, this study recovers evidence of radicalization, but also suggests that the art of petitioning could involve the deliberate avoidance of ideological issues that nevertheless underpinned specific interventions.