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991.
公安执法监督工作对保证公安机关及其人民警察严格、公正、文明执法至关重要.针对工作中存在的问题,公安执法监督工作应转变观念,调整思路,做好"四个延伸",以实现执法监督工作的主动性、前瞻性和深层性.  相似文献   
992.
This study examines the role of the UN’s programmes for environment and development (UNEP and UNDP) in the genesis and implementation of multilateral environmental agreements (MEAs). This is set in the wider context of the changing dominant focus of the international agenda, from ‘environment’ at the Stockholm Conference in 1972, to ‘environment and development’ at Rio in 1992, and ‚sustainable development’ in Johannesburg in 2002. UNDP is a development organisation strongly rooted in its country office network. Its role is becoming increasingly normative however, particularly since 2002 when UNDP opted to root most of its activities on the Millennium Development Goals. UNEP, as an environmental organisation has been successful at catalysing MEAs at the global and regional level; but without a significant increase in its budget over 30 years, its capacity has been spread very thinly. Many of the institutional arrangements for MEAs have effectively become independent of UNEP resulting in a very loosely and sometimes poorly coordinated network. Two case studies are used to illustrate the current institutional arrangements: UNEP’s Regional Seas Conventions and Protocols, and the Convention for Biological Diversity. These illustrate the fragmentation of current institutions, the need for strengthened technical and scientific support, the importance of addressing problems at their root causes and the need to increase the devolution of global governance to the regional level. Satisfying the identified needs requires actions within the remit of both UNEP and UNDP. It is argued that current institutional arrangements have not kept pace with the requirements of evolving policy. As part of a reform process, one option may be to merge the two programmes into a single structure that conserves and strengthens vital technical functions but enables a balanced and integrated approach to sustainable development.  相似文献   
993.
竺效 《法律科学》2005,23(2):61-65
我国学者近十年来在法学体系研究中,所使用的"社会法"语词可以归类为狭义、中义、广义和泛义四种.我国法律体系中也使用了中义社会法的概念.法学体系与法律体系存在着辩证关系.为了在社会法研究中解除困惑、方便使用,建议将这些相关语词统一为"社会保障法"、"社会法"、"社会法域"和"社会中的法".  相似文献   
994.
国际传播在捍卫与社会主义国家性质相一致的意识形态利益,乃至国家整体安全战略方面有着极其重要的作用。"国家利益至上",是我国国际传播最根本的战略原则;"做国际社会中负责任大国"这一新世纪战略思想,是当前我国国际传播战略中的基本指导思想;"坚持'一国两制',维护祖国统一"方针的宣传,是当前乃至今后我国国际传播中一项极为重要的战略任务。"软权力"正成为现代国际关系中的聚焦点,为应对复杂的安全战略环境,维护国家利益,我国国际传播必须做出正确的战略选择。  相似文献   
995.
文章从以“人·从·众”为内涵的公安校园文化思想与共产党员的素质标准、基本言行准则、宗旨要求的密切联系切入,论述了一名合格的警院共产党员应具备的思维方式、价值观念、行为准则,并对达成这一目标的方式、方法进行了分析、探讨。  相似文献   
996.
The discrimination of noncolored transparent polyethylene bags was studied by several nondestructive and semidestructive analytical methods. X-ray diffraction, infrared spectroscopy, and optical microscopy (differential interference contrast microscopy and phase contrast microscopy) were applied to polyethylene films. X-ray diffraction was used to distinguish variations in the crystalline phase, infrared spectroscopy was used to distinguish variations in the molecular components, and optical microscopy was used to distinguish the different surface morphologies. The results show that X-ray diffraction classifies the crystalline phase of the film depending on whether it is made from low-density polyethylene, linear low-density polyethylene, or high-density polyethylene; that infrared spectroscopy is useful to distinguish the molecular components and it is the most discriminating technique; and that optical microscopy discriminate films easily by their morphological differences.  相似文献   
997.
Liu YQ  Zhang LL  Zhao XH  Liu ZL  Mei ZH 《法医学杂志》2007,23(2):108-109,113
目的研究重型颅脑损伤患者认知功能的改变以及事件相关电位(event-related potential,ERP)中的P300成分与智商的关系。方法对40例重型颅脑损伤患者进行听觉P300检查并用中国修订韦氏成人智力全量表测定智商,另外用40例正常成年人作为对照组也进行P300的检查。结果病例组P300潜伏期较正常组明显延长(P<0.01),病例组P300的潜伏期与操作智商和总智商之间呈显著负相关(r=-0.335、-0.344,均P<0.05)。结论ERP是测定重型颅脑损伤患者认知功能变化的一项客观指标。  相似文献   
998.
Methodological aspects of the Dutch National Threat Assessment   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
This paper discusses issues related to measuring organized crime as they have become manifest in the Dutch contribution to the EU Organised Crime Threat Assessment (OCTA). It intends to convey to a wider academic community certain issues of definition, methodology and accountability, understanding the NTA process in terms of the communication of risks in a context of competitive defining institutions.
Peter KlerksEmail:
  相似文献   
999.
《Patterns of Prejudice》2012,46(3):62-76
Mathyl examines two representatives of the Russian groupuscular right-Arctogaia and the National-Bolskevik Party-and their emergence after the collapse of the Soviet system in 1991, in the context of the radicalization of Russian nationalism that took place during the inter-Russian power struggle of 1992-3. The ideological arsenal of these groups consists principally of a politico-historical reconciliation between western (neo-)fascism and authoritarian nationalist Russian and Soviet traditions, in which those traditions are intensified and synthesized into a new kind of 'national Bolshevism'. The success of neo-fascist groupuscules demonstrates how potentially explosive the fascist diagnosis of the status quo can behaving been preserved virtually intact since 1945-when it meets with a new situation of high political instability and is employed in intensive political propaganda, as was the case in post-perestroika Russia. Following the nationalists' military defeat in October 1993, the Russian groupuscular right attempted both to maintain the revolutionary impetus and, through a variety of cultural-political activities, to contribute to the gradual enlargement of the nationalist-imperialist project, thereby demonstrating its close connection to the New Right and its strategy of struggling for cultural hegemony. Since the end of the 1990s, there has been, within the groupuscular right, both an increasingly apparent ideological transfer from East to West, and evidence of the growing influence of national Bolshevism on western third-positionist groups.  相似文献   
1000.
How does the American public assess risk when it comes to national security issues? This paper addresses this question by analyzing variation in citizen probability assessments of the terrorism risk of nuclear power plants. Drawing on the literature on how motivated reasoning, selective information processing, and domain‐specific knowledge influence public opinion, we argue that heterogeneous issue preferences and knowledge of nuclear energy and homeland security have important explanatory power. Using original data from a unique 2009 national survey in the United States, we show that Americans are divided in their probability assessments of the terrorism risk of nuclear power plants. Consistent with our theoretical expectations, individuals who support using nuclear power to meet rising energy demands, who are generally less concerned with terrorism, or who are more knowledgeable about terrorism and nuclear security tend to provide lower assessments of the likelihood that nuclear power plants increase terrorist attacks, and vice versa. The findings have implications for the literature on public opinion, risk assessment, energy policy and planning, and homeland security.  相似文献   
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