Redfearn v UK: Political Association and Dismissal

In Redfearn v UK the European Court of Human Rights examined the question whether dismissal for membership of a political party is compatible with freedom of association under Article 11 of the European Convention on Human Rights. The Court endorsed a strong commitment to multi‐party democracy and protection of employees against the domination of the employers. This note discusses the judgment and its implications for UK law, looking at three key issues: first, whether the law of unfair dismissal provides effective protection against action that poses a threat to the enjoyment of Convention rights; second, the grounds under which an employer may justify the lawfulness of a dismissal that interferes with a Convention right; third, the available remedies against the employer when there is a breach of a Convention right.     

论国际刑事法院与其他国际机构的关系

国际刑事法院是一个追究个人刑事责任的常设性国际刑事司法机构,它既不同于只处理国家间争端的国际法院,也不同于安理会特设的几个国际刑庭。其补充管辖原则表明,它对国内法院起着补充作用而不是优先于国内法院行使管辖权。国际刑事法院与联合国安理会是合作与协调的关系,但规约第16条规定安理会以通过决议的方式要求法院推迟调查和起诉这个机制存在很大的缺陷,它为政治干涉司法提供了方便之路。     

This Time it's Different: Legitimacy and the Limits of Differentiation after Brexit

British political debate since the EU referendum has hinged on what type of Brexit to pursue: hard or soft. Yet, unlike in instances of treaty rejection, the EU made no counter offer to avoid a breakdown in relations that would follow the hardest of exits. This remarkable unity in not discounting the possibility of a hard Brexit demonstrates that UK withdrawal is very distinct from previous wrangles over EU reform. Drawing on the work of Kissinger, this article argues Brexit is a revolutionary act that denies the legitimacy of the EU order. Hence this process does not conform to other episodes of differentiation. When Westminster sought opt‐outs, it did not reject the core principles of integration. By not seeking to oppose a hard Brexit, Brussels has forced the UK government to find a new legitimising principle to govern EU–UK relations, transferring the burden of adjustment to London.     

To revise or not to revise: the ‘peace constitution’, pro-revision movement,and Japan's national identity

Why do conservative nationalists in Japan continuously seek to revise the constitution despite the past failures, and what is the likelihood of successful revision and its impact on Japan's norm of pacifism and its use of force? The article offers an analytical framework for the issue based on national pride and national security, and argues that the ‘revisionists’ seek to create a new national identity, one that infuses a greater sense of national pride among the public and enables the exercise of collective self-defense, thereby removing Japan's postwar psychological and institutional limitations on nationalism and military activities. The LDP's 2012 draft is most explicit and ambitious in this regard, with the current revision attempt under Abe having the highest chance of success since the 1950s. Successful revision would significantly expand Japan's security activities, particularly within the framework of the US–Japan Security Alliance, and entail the end of Japan's unique postwar institutionalized pacifism, although the norm of pacifism will linger on as a constitutional principle. For a smoother return to the international military scene, the Japanese government must distance itself from historical revisionism and utilize its enhanced military role to promote regional public goods rather than merely protecting its narrow national interests.     

South Korean views on Japan's constitutional reform under the Abe government

In this Special Section, this article reviews South Korean views on Japan's ‘peace’ Constitution and the Abe government's attempts at constitutional reform. It identifies three different understandings among South Korean academics on why Japan is escalating attempts to revise the Constitution under the Abe government. An in-depth analysis demonstrates that all three perspectives pay specific attention to Japan's constitutional reform in relation to security policy changes. However, they differ in assessing the impact of Japan's constitutional reform on South Korea as well as how South Korea should deal with such a change. A minority opinion considers Japan's ‘remilitarisation’ through constitutional revision as conducive to South Korean security interests by increasing deterrence against North Korea, whereas the dominant opinion is that any attempt to revise the Constitution could be in and of itself a potential threat to South Korea's security due to a lack of trust attributed to unresolved historical conflicts between Korea and Japan. However, all three approaches pay hardly any attention to the positive role of Japan's peace Constitution while Japan's peace Constitution might provide a regional peace model in Northeast Asia.     

融贯民商:职务代理的构造逻辑与规范表达  ——《民法总则》第170条释评

职务代理是一项传统的商事代理制度。职务代理权源于被代理人的意定授权，但其范围和类型受到法律规定的限制，被代理人承受职务代理行为的效果是法律规定的结果。我国《民法总则》第170条系以民商合一理念为指导，首次在民法典总则编中明确规定了职务代理规范。在制度功能上，该规范有助于统一司法裁判。但基于职务代理制度的商事属性，该条第1款的适用范围需被限缩，与职务代理有关的商事登记制度还需完善，职务代理权类型还需细化。同时，该条第2款是职务代理制度的特殊规范，适用时应注意它与表见代理和普通无权代理的区分。未来可在《商法通则》中通过建构统一的商事登记规范和对职务代理权的类型化处理，完善职务代理制度。     

律师刑事豁免权研究

律师在刑事诉讼中担任辩护人、诉讼代理人 ,为实现司法公正 ,保障人权作出重要贡献 ,同时也承担了巨大的风险。律师刑事豁免权是律师在刑事诉讼过程中维护委托人合法权益和降低律师执业风险的有力保障     

A simpler solution for offshoring personal information?

This article looks at the European Commission’s recent revisions to the controller-processor model clauses to allow the transfer of personal data to processors and sub-processors based outside of the EEA. These new sub-processing provisions are the subject of a recent opinion by the Article 29 Working Party that is both helpful and is likely to ease the use of these clauses. However, many of the other problems associated with the use of these clauses remain, especially the lengthy and bureaucratic filing and approval requirements mandated under many national laws.     

我国非常夫妻财产制之建构

夫妻财产问题愈渐在亲属法领域受到瞩目,因它兼具身份法与财产法之双重属性之特点,既引发研究者对亲属法基本理论的思考,又引发其对婚姻家庭制度的审视。基于完善我国夫妻财产制之目的,本文立足于《婚姻法司法解释三》1第4条之规定,既肯定其立法意义,又指出该条的立法不足,同时借鉴域外立法的科学合理性,在必要性与可行性基础上对我国非常夫妻财产制度做了简要建构。     

四川五十年大事辑要(四)

中华人民共和国 194 9年 10月 1日诞生后不久 ,当年底四川获得解放 ,随之四川省党政机构相继建立。 194 9～ 1999年 ,四川全境解放 50年 ,四川如何从半殖民地半封建社会跨入社会主义社会 ?50年中有哪些曲折和辉煌 ?中共四川省委党史研究室撰写的《四川五十年大事辑要》 ,就这些问题 ,可从中了解四川 50年历程的梗概。