政府职能转变与行业协会的发展

我国行业协会在其发展过程中政府扮演了不同角色 ,政府职能的错位是我国行业协会发展的一大制约 ,只有转变政府职能 ,行业协会才有作用空间、发展动力及成长环境     

《合同法》中委托人介入权制度和第三人选择权制度的不足及完善——兼论对《合同法》第403条的修改

文章以完善我国未披露第三人代理中的委托人介入权制度和第三人选择权制度为写作目的,运用法律经济学方法,指出委托人介入权制度和第三人选择权制度的理论依据。据此分析了《合同法》中委托人介入权制度和第三人选择权制度的不足之处,并提出了相应的修改建议。     

论中国特色的罪犯心理矫治技术

罪犯心理矫治的技术,必须适合我国国情,才能有效地发挥其功能。劳动疗法、谈话疗法、权威疗法和心理平衡疗法是在长期的罪犯心理矫治实践中摸索出的具有中国特色的矫治技术。     

关于增加农民收入的调查意见

1997年以来,大连市农民人均纯收入增长缓慢,其主要原因是:农业结构不合理,第二、第三产业发展缓慢,农村职业教育滞后,农民税后负担过重。为增加农民收入,必须调整优化农业结构,提高农业整体效益;大力发展第二、第三产业,加快捉村富裕劳动力转移;多给少取,切实减轻农民负担。     

Mixed electoral rules’ impact on party systems

The growing literature about mixed electoral systems has addressed their effect on party systems, voting behavior, campaign strategies, legislative roll-call voting, and other issues in a handful of countries. But, the effect of mixed systems has not been fully evaluated cross-nationally or longitudinally. Using data from the World Bank’s Database of Political Institutions, we address this gap in the literature by investigating two related questions. First, do mixed electoral rules produce different election outcomes than other election rules? Second, are these results attenuated by the definitions of mixed systems that scholars employ? We find that mixed systems generate outcomes that are distinct from other electoral systems and that these findings are generally robust across different definitions.     

新加坡人民行动党执政模式分析

新加坡政党政治最为显著的特征是人民行动党一党长期执政.新加坡政党政治的特征和政治文明的成就,使得新加坡人民行动党成为便于借鉴和值得借鉴的执政模式.新加坡人民行动党的执政模式主要表现为:(1)一党独大、多党竞争的政党关系模式;(2)代表全国利益、反映各方意见的政党立场模式;(3)以权制权、以法治权的权力制衡模式;(4)主动"猎人"、科学选人的人才选用模式;(5)老一代主动退位让贤、新一代"自行决定"领袖的权力交接模式.     

刑讯逼供的证明机制

对刑讯逼供存在与否的证明属于程序性事项的证明,其证明同时涉及一般的证明标准和程序性裁判中的证明机制问题。刑讯逼供的事实具有特殊性,这种特殊性使对这种事实的证明在实践中很难完成,因此应当明确:刑事实体法追诉中的刑讯逼供证明的证明责任由新的公诉机关承担,证明标准也应于普通案件中的证明标准有所不同,同时,法官不应承担证明责任。     

毒品案件中口供等言词证据的收集及运用

毒品案件审理过程中各类言词证据的收集,既要反对“口供是证据之王”的观点,更不能片面地理解“零口供”,只有全面的掌握案件事实,运用辩证的逻辑推理,才能使言词证据成为认定毒品案件的可靠手段。即:做好毒品犯罪嫌疑人供述和辩解(口供)的讯问笔录;全面收集证人证言;对查获的毒品交专门机构做出定性鉴定结论;言词证据应由实物证据来检验;严禁刑讯逼供和其他非法方式收集言词证据。     

马克思主义哲学在当代

必须克服以斯大林教科书为范本的“辩证唯物主义和历史唯物主义”体系及其模式的缺陷．重新焕发起马克思主义哲学的生机，使之继续走在人类文明的前列。必须因应中国马克思主义哲学理论和实践发展的要求．探索建立马克思主义哲学当代中国化的形态，走向马克思主义哲学发展的新高度。     

To revise or not to revise: the ‘peace constitution’, pro-revision movement,and Japan's national identity

Why do conservative nationalists in Japan continuously seek to revise the constitution despite the past failures, and what is the likelihood of successful revision and its impact on Japan's norm of pacifism and its use of force? The article offers an analytical framework for the issue based on national pride and national security, and argues that the ‘revisionists’ seek to create a new national identity, one that infuses a greater sense of national pride among the public and enables the exercise of collective self-defense, thereby removing Japan's postwar psychological and institutional limitations on nationalism and military activities. The LDP's 2012 draft is most explicit and ambitious in this regard, with the current revision attempt under Abe having the highest chance of success since the 1950s. Successful revision would significantly expand Japan's security activities, particularly within the framework of the US–Japan Security Alliance, and entail the end of Japan's unique postwar institutionalized pacifism, although the norm of pacifism will linger on as a constitutional principle. For a smoother return to the international military scene, the Japanese government must distance itself from historical revisionism and utilize its enhanced military role to promote regional public goods rather than merely protecting its narrow national interests.