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141.
《Democracy and Security》2013,9(1-2):80-99
This article analyzes the European Union (EU) policy for democracy assistance toward the Southern Mediterranean countries and tracks changes in the last decade, with a special emphasis on the most recent period. It shows that the EU policy, which goes under the acronym of EIDHR, has evolved, but predominantly in response to internal dynamics rather than to developments in Arab countries. The EU has increasingly provided assistance to local actors on the ground in non-member countries and has differentiated its action in authoritarian countries from countries in transition. When it comes to implementing its own policy, however, the EU is less able to promote democracy than human rights, and most of the funds go to support projects centered on relatively uncontroversial rights such as women's and children's. 相似文献
142.
Paul R. Brewer 《政治交往》2013,30(3):303-316
This study examines the effects of framing on how citizens use value language to explain their views on political issues. An experiment simulated exposure to framing in media coverage of gay rights. The results show that participants who received an "equality" frame were particularly likely to explain their views on gay rights in terms of equality and that participants who received a "morality" frame were particularly likely to cast their opinions in the language of morality. A closer examination, however, showed that exposure to the frames encouraged participants to use value language not only in ways suggested by the frames but also in ways that challenged the frames. Moreover, the results indicated that exposure to the "morality" frame interfered with the impact of the "equality" frame, suggesting that the presence of alternative frames can dampen framing effects. 相似文献
143.
Enrique Carpizo 《Boletín mexicano de derecho comparado / Instituto de Investigaciones Jurídicas, UNAM》2013,46(138):939-971
This article deals with subjects referent to constitutional control and conventionality control in Mexico and its respective aspects. Our study proposes an interpretative mechanic that touches the idea of monopoly in behalf of the state in the subject of recognizing and protecting human rights, to allow a wide vision where any authority or citizen are able to exercise a protective human rights activity. We also pretend to show the inadequacy, at the moment, of moving into a conventional supremacy, without leaving out the analysis of subjects relative to sovereignty and constitutional supremacy. 相似文献
144.
Jorge A. Victoria Maldonado 《Boletín mexicano de derecho comparado / Instituto de Investigaciones Jurídicas, UNAM》2013,46(138):1093-1109
The social model of disability is presented as a new paradigm of the recent disability treatment, that has had theoretical and legal current development. It is a model that considers that the origins of disability are not either religious or scientific, but social in a great measure. From this new perspective, it is emphasized that the population with disability can contribute to the society in the same circumstances that the rest of the population, which integrates the society, all this from a valorization of the inclusion perspective and respect of diversity. This model is closely related with certain essential values which underline the human rights, such as human dignity, individual freedom and equality; all these conduce to a decrease of barriers and lead to a social inclusion that sets basis to principles as: personal autonomy, nondiscrimination, universal accessibility, environmental normalization, civil dialogue, inter alia. The premise is that disability is part of a social construction, and it is not the deficiency created by the society itself what limits and prevents people with disability to be included, to decide or to design autonomously their own life plan with opportunity equality. 相似文献
145.
146.
《International Journal of African Renaissance Studies - Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity》2013,8(2):125-142
ABSTRACTAfrica has rich traditions and knowledge systems founded on the principles of caring for one another and the spirit of mutual support embedded in the African philosophy of Ubuntu. These collective values tend to be marginalised in international human rights standards built on western values. The standards were developed without broad-based consultation of the different value systems in Africa. Therefore, in order to inspire sustainable implementation among diverse cultures, dialogue to develop universal human rights and obligations based on the diversity of cultures and ways of knowing is needed. Using South Africa's experience at two universities, the extent to which these institutions have attempted to incorporate African indigenous knowledge systems (AIKS) and human rights into the higher education curriculum is investigated. The implications for higher education and the human rights and development paradigms built on western knowledge systems are investigated. North-West University has been the pioneer of integrating AIKS into higher education in South Africa and is the only higher education institution in South Africa with an accredited IKS Teaching Programme at both undergraduate and postgraduate levels – which has been notably successful, albeit with some challenges. AIKS has also been integrated into research and teaching at the University of KwaZulu-Natal and has registered significant successes since 2012. The need to embed AIKS in the curriculum of higher education institutions is affirmed. 相似文献
147.
Matthew Carlson 《Asian Journal of Political Science》2013,21(3):219-239
Abstract The transition and consolidation of democracy in Southeast Asia has proven fragile and tenuous some 30 years after the current wave of democratization began. A critical ingredient in the process of democratization is the role of public opinion and the extent that the public supports the democratic ‘rules of the game’. This study uses 2006 and 2007 public opinion data from the AsiaBarometer Survey of six Southeast Asian countries (Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Thailand, Cambodia and Singapore) to examine popular perceptions of democracy and democratic principles and practices. Specifically, it seeks to shed light on the following interrelated questions: Do democratic institutions in Southeast Asia work well in the short and long term? To what extent are citizens in these countries satisfied with various political and civil freedoms? Do citizens trust specific institutions to operate in the best interests of their society? Does the current political system and government perform well? 相似文献
148.
Michael Blakeney 《Commonwealth Law Bulletin》2013,39(1):55-106
This article provides an analysis of some recent developments relating to Constitutional law in Jamaica, including the legal issues arising from tied elections and the dual nationality of parliamentarians. It also discusses a case relating to the failure to incorporate the United Nations Convention on Transnational Organized Crime (the Palermo Convention). In this case, though the Palermo Convention contemplates investigations by agents of one country on the territory of another for certain crimes, one state party found it was unable to carry out such investigations on the territory of another. Although the latter country, a CARICOM member state, was also a party to the Convention, it had not enacted the required implementing legislation 相似文献
149.
杨世昌 《安徽警官职业学院学报》2014,(4):60-63
陈述和申辩权是治安管理处罚决定作出前向违反治安管理行为人进行处罚告知法定必经程序的重要内容,是对违反治安管理行为人的一项重要的"事前救济"权利。执法实践中存在的诸多问题严重影响了违反治安管理行为人对该权利的行使,损害了其合法权益。加强法治理念,提高程序公正意识,加强执法监督和责任追究以及律师介入等,对于保障违反治安管理行为人的陈述和申辩权、促进公正执法意义重大。 相似文献
150.
Volker Boehme-Neßler 《Journal für Rechtspolitik》2009,17(1):1-12
Das Recht ist in modernen Gesellschaften ein wichtiges Steuerungsmittel. Schon bisher ist es allerdings nicht das einzige Instrument gewesen, um gesellschaftliche Entwicklungen und individuelles Verhalten zu beeinflussen. Es gab und gibt Bereiche, die sich selbst organisieren und in denen staatliches Recht aus unterschiedlichen Gründen nicht das entscheidende Steuerungsmittel ist. Dieser Beitrag untersucht, wie sich die zunehmende Digitalisierung der modernen Gesellschaften auf die Steuerungsfähigkeit des Rechts auswirkt. Er kommt dabei zu dem Ergebnis, dass die Bedeutung des Rechts in der digitalisierten und hoch fragmentierten Welt abnimmt. Das Recht muss sich deshalb Verbündete in anderen Bereichen der Gesellschaft suchen, um weiterhin Steuerungsfunktionen für die Gesellschaft wahrnehmen zu können. Der Beitrag skizziert, wer als Verbündeter des Rechts in Frage kommt und wie die notwendigen transrechtlichen Kooperationen aussehen könnten. 相似文献