Managing Power Transitions: Towards a 21st Century Concert of Powers

Power shifts and especially power transitions in the international system are often associated with (military) confl ict. Power Transition Theory (PTT) does offer an analysis of this phenomenon but no remedy. We suggest easing the tensions related to ongoing worldwide power shifts by introducing a new informal multilateral security governance institution, based on the idea of a concert of powers. The historical European Concert of the 19th century prevented the outbreak of great power wars for more than a generation by providing a cooperation framework, based on shared norms and common procedures. In this article we explore the possibility of utilizing a modernized concert of powers as a framework for managing the coming power shifts. In order to do so, we introduce two new elements in Power Transition Theory: (1) the importance of the (dis) satisfaction of the declining hegemon with the anticipated future order, and (2) a broader multilateral framework of major powers that overcomes the Power Transition Theory’s traditional bilateral “duel” situation. On this basis, institutionalized power transition management becomes possible. We then work out the norms, strengths and weaknesses of the historical concert and update it with a few new features that would be necessary for it to be successful in the 21st century.     

Qatar’s humanitarian aid to Palestine

The purpose of this paper is to document Qatar’s recent contribution of humanitarian aid to the Palestinians. We consider Qatar as an example of a mini state that relies on its wealth and soft power to further its interests in the Middle East and support a beleaguered Arab-Muslim state. The paper carries out analysis of Arabic newspapers and other documentary evidence to contextualise and estimate Qatar’s financial contribution 2010–2016. Contextualising Qatar’s aid necessitates considering Israel’s military control of the Palestinian Territories, and its ability through hard power to regulate the inflow of aid to Palestine. The paper concludes by calling for adopting the political economy perspective in dealing with humanitarian aid.     

论检察权的配置

检察权的本质属性应界定为检察监督权,只有弄清楚检察权的本质属性,才能明确检察机关的职能定位。检察权的配置问题的研究,应当发轫于国家权力的配置的宏观层面,而落脚在检察内部权力体系的微观层面。检察改革应当遵循司法规律,不宜盲目创新求变。     

“县权公开”面临的困境及解决思路

“县权公开”对于加强党的执政能力，巩固党的执政基础，推动党内民主发展和防治县权腐败具有非常重要的价值。但当前“县权公开”改革仍然面临着困境，如怎么追究违犯规定后的责任、如何处理权威与公开的关系等。造成上述困境的原因是多方面的，既有体制制度方面的原因，也有领导干部个人方面的原因。要真正实现“县权公开”，还需要相关部门在建立健全权力运行制度、改革完善监督制度、规范约束县委书记权力、提高县级领导干部思想认识等方面下工夫。     

马克思主义经典作家权力制约思想及其当代发展

马克思、恩格斯批判地继承了人类社会的文化遗产,科学地提出了自己的权力制约思想;列宁在领导苏维埃俄国的革命和建设中,为避免权力的腐败和滥用,也提出了自己的权力制约思想。在当代中国的现代化进程中,中国共产党几代领导人继承和进一步创新发展了马克思主义经典作家的权力制约思想。在当前新形势下,权力制约的战略构想又有了新的特色。     

提升中国文化软实力与文化“三自”

提升中国文化软实力，就要正确看待文化“三自”——文化自觉、文化自信、文化自强。提升文化自觉需要提升对文化发展作用、文化发展规律和文化建设责任担当的高度自觉；增强文化自信需要正确看待中国古代传统文化、中国特色社会主义文化、外国文化三种文化；实现文化自强，建设社会主义核心价值体系是关键，建立并完善社会主义文化发展和繁荣制度是保障，人民群众是根本依靠力量，推进文化体制改革是动力。     

The power of everyday subordination: exploring the silencing and disempowerment of Chinese migrant domestic workers

This paper examines how Chinese female migrant domestic workers are influenced by different forms of subordination; how norms, practices, and power relations enable and legitimize their subordination; and the ways in which subordination elicits compliance while silencing and disempowering the workers. I advance a new perspective on subordination, linking forms of subordination with forms of consciousness. Consciousness of one’s treatment and how one is changed by it informs the decision of whether to remain silent. Compliance, silencing, and disempowerment are facilitated by recognizable and subtle forms of subordination that can directly control individuals’ actions, shift their perspectives, and cause them to act against their own interests. When workers are not conscious of the insidious impact of subtle subordination upon their attitudes, perspectives, and behavior, they are far less likely to resist.     

民国刑事诉讼法上的微罪不起诉制度

20世纪20年代，起诉便宜主义逐渐在大陆法系国家法律中得到确认，也很快被民国立法者所接受。在民国刑事诉讼法上，微罪不起诉制度是起诉便宜主义的集中体现，这项制度于1928年《刑事诉讼法》中首次得到确立，此后历经多次修改，在检察官作出微罪不起诉处分的考量因素和具体程序等方面得到了完善，但其适用范围则一直比较有限。在实践层面，微罪不起诉在民国时期的适用率始终偏低，因此很难充分实现其应有的价值。     

美国强大的原因及发展趋势

美国强大的原因可以从势、道、制、术、器与士（即国际格局与国际力量对比、美国的意识形态与核心价值体系、政治经济与社会制度、科技与战略政策制定、经济与军事硬实力、人才培养与储备机制等方面）进行分析。由于新兴国家崛起，美国单极体系已经终结，美国霸权相对削弱，但是美国仍将在相当长的一段时间之内维持“一超”的地位。从劳动生产率、基础科研实力及研发投入、高等教育体系、外资投资环境、人口结构以及新兴产业等因素考察，美国经济长远来看仍具有较大的相对优势。未来美国霸权依然存在，美国二战后所确立的以“结构自由主义”为特征的国际秩序是美国霸权能够持久的最重要的基础，也是二战后西方国家之间的关系能够超越“零和”博弈格局的重要原因。美国对华战略并非遏制，而是“对冲/两面下注”。中美之间存在超越历史上传统大国“零和”博弈的可能，中国领导人提出建立中美新型大国关系的建议反映了这种战略远见。     

嵌入式监督:探索权力监督有效实现新模式

纪检监察派驻监督是党和国家监督体系的重要组成部分,也是实现国家治理现代化的必要环节。在监督范式转换、党纪法规调适、反腐倡廉要求和监督探索实践的共同驱动下,部分地区将嵌入性理念、技术和制度引入权力监督领域,创新形成了“党的领导、权力制约、过程监督、信息沟通和制度规范”的嵌入式监督模式。这一模式借助理念嵌入、组织嵌入、技术嵌入和制度嵌入系统建构路径,形成了“权威性、精准化、全程性、常态化和制度化”的权力监督机制,整体推进监督制度优势转化为治理效能。嵌入式监督的实践深化还存在自主性、适应性和融入性困境。纪检监察派驻机构还须提升角色定位能力、目标执行能力和融合监督能力,以此实现权力监督长效化与国家治理现代化。