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91.
中国特色社会主义进入新时代。以"劳动美"托起"中国梦"作为时代精神的引领,正在成为我国工人阶级的思想共识和行动逻辑。劳动美本质上是劳动者基于其劳动实践而实现的美的创造,并通过各种美的劳动形式,彰显劳动者的本质力量和劳动美的价值。劳动美作为人的劳动实践活动本质属性和基本要求之一,是以真的劳动和善的劳动作为基础,是真善美在人的劳动实践中的高度统一。在美的劳动中追求劳动美,本质上是劳动的合目的性与合规律性的高度统一,是劳动实践中各种关系的内在和谐与统一。新时代,工会组织要通过开展丰富多彩的活动,团结、教育、凝聚广大职工群众坚定不移跟党走,在以"劳动美"筑就"中国梦"的伟大征程中,充分发挥主力军作用。  相似文献   
92.
小微企业存在着大量的体面劳动赤字,要构建和谐劳动关系面临着许多现实困境。除了促进劳动法在小微企业的有效实施外,还应该通过财政扶持政策促进小微企业和谐劳动关系的构建。这些具体的财政扶持政策包括就业岗位、工会会费、劳动安全卫生、企业培训、社会保险费的财政补贴政策以及劳动关系规范化管理的财政激励政策。  相似文献   
93.
作为公民社会在互联网时代发展的产物,网络公民社会的产生与成长是多方面因素共同作用的结果。目前我国的网络公民社会已由自在阶段过渡到自觉构建的自为阶段,社会影响力愈来愈大,对当前我国的政治安全与社会稳定带来了积极和消极两方面的影响。研究网络公民社会的成长历程,把握其发展趋势,深入分析其影响以便引导其与社会主义相适应,对于维护转型期的社会政治稳定具有深远的理论与现实意义。  相似文献   
94.
Over the past decade, the European Union (EU) has created a novel experimentalist architecture for transnational forest governance: the Forest Law Enforcement, Governance and Trade (FLEGT) initiative. This innovative architecture comprises extensive participation by civil society stakeholders in establishing and revising open‐ended framework goals (Voluntary Partnership Agreements [VPAs] with developing countries aimed at promoting sustainable forest governance and preventing illegal logging) and metrics for assessing progress toward them (legality standards and indicators) through monitoring and review of local implementation, underpinned by a penalty default mechanism to sanction non‐cooperation (the EU Timber Regulation that prohibits operators from placing illegally harvested wood on the European market). This paper analyzes the implementation of VPAs in Indonesia and Ghana, the two countries furthest advanced toward issuing FLEGT export licences. A central finding is the reciprocal relationship between the experimentalist architecture of the FLEGT initiative and transnational civil society activism, whereby the VPAs’ insistence on stakeholder participation, independent monitoring, and joint implementation review, underwritten by the EU, empowers domestic non‐governmental organizations with local knowledge to expose problems on the ground, hold public authorities accountable for addressing them, and contribute to developing provisional solutions.  相似文献   
95.
How do authoritarian rulers legitimate repressive actions against their own citizens? Although most research depicts repression and legitimation as opposed strategies of political rule, justified coercion against some groups may generate legitimacy in the eyes of other parts of the population. Building upon this suggested link between legitimation and repression, this article studies the justifications of mass killings. To this end, framing theory is combined with recent research on the domestic and international dimensions of authoritarian rule. We contend that frames are directed towards specific audiences at home and abroad. Moreover, given the common threats at the global level and the diffusion of repressive tactics, we assume that learning processes influence discursive justifications of repression in authoritarian regimes. We provide an analysis of government rhetoric by comparing the protest crackdowns of Rabi’a ‘Adawiya Square in Egypt and Fergana Valley in Uzbekistan, taking into account the audiences and the sources of the frames that justify repression. In both cases, we find the terrorism frame to emerge as dominant.  相似文献   
96.
A lack of accountability is often considered a root cause of conflict. Many post-conflict reconstruction efforts therefore aim to enhance accountability between authorities and the population through community-driven reconstruction programmes. This article examines the accountability mechanisms in the Tushiriki community-driven reconstruction programme in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo. The ethnographic research found little impact of formal programme accountability. Rather, accountability was shaped differently and had its own context-specific meaning. To make accountability more sustainable, stronger embeddedness in local institutions and more appropriate translations of abstract concepts into the local context are needed.  相似文献   
97.
Participatory governance offers the potential to deliver responsive and accountable services. This article tests this expectation by looking at how members of participatory extension platforms in Malawi understand the meaning of “demand-driven” services, and allocate responsibility and influence in service provision. Results show that most respondents agree on bottom-up extension services that respond to expressed farmers’ needs (86% of respondents), and assign responsibility and influence widely across state and non-state actors. While these findings suggest that these participatory mechanisms can promote responsiveness to farmers’ needs and accountability, they also point toward different governance challenges in extension services.  相似文献   
98.
One of the defining moments in Kenya’s political landscape was the defeat of KANU, the party that had been in power since the country’s independence in 1963, by the National Rainbow Coalition, NARC in 2002. The victory was hailed as a new dawn that would entrench good governance, equity, rule of law, and human rights. After all, the victory was a culmination of many years of agitation against KANU dictatorship. Furthermore, NARC was a mass movement with national appeal and led by renowned anti-establishment politicians, civil society, and activist intellectuals and clergy. But, these aspirations would be betrayed by fragmentation of elites in NARC and re-invention of corruption by the same elites. This paper investigates the ramifications of the NARC collapse to the country’s post-Moi democratization process, more so the diminished role of intellectuals in public discourse. The paper demonstrates the urgent need for organic intellectuals and the way forward.  相似文献   
99.
本文考察了1949年建国前中国男权家庭中,父权与夫权的交织作用对夫妇权力关系的影响。其基本方法是跳出性别分析方法的局限,将家庭男权制度置于父系继嗣的体系中去研究,从而揭示已婚妇女在代际和夫妻权力关系方面错综复杂、起伏跌宕的婚姻历程。研究发现,在大家庭里,当父权起主导作用时,年轻夫妻均无权力,婆婆受父权的保护,受父权压迫最大的是家中儿媳。在"反哺"阶段,夫权往往用来保证男方的父母老有所养,而非完全满足男方的私利。夫妻之间,妻子通过生育子嗣和参与家庭事务逐步纳入父系体系,增强了丈夫对她们维系父系家庭的依赖性,在一定程度上抑制了夫权对她们的约束。本文展示了至少在中国部分的父系继嗣家庭中,当夫权遇到父权时,性别与代际权力出现多重性,易变性和内争性,从而造成夫权时强时弱,时有时无,既同父权遥相呼应,又与其发生冲突。因此,中国传统男权家庭中妇女的地位在一生中是变动不定的。中国妇女在父系家庭中的地位也只有放置于纵(父权)横(夫权)两个轴心当中,通观她们的全部生活历史才能完全展示出来。  相似文献   
100.
转型期舆论引导必须具备相当的公信力、精准力、传播力、表现力、接受力和契合力。面对日益复杂的社会变化,舆论引导工作需在舆情把握、舆论关注、舆论利用等方面缩小差距,确保社会健康发展。  相似文献   
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