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61.
罗翔 《浙江省政法管理干部学院学报》2021,35(6):82-90
在我国有关淫秽物品的刑事立法中,无论是道德主义、家长主义、自由主义还是女权主义,仅凭一己之力都无法解释复杂的立法现象,多元主义具有相对的合理性。有关淫秽物品的刑事立法是在冒犯原则的基础上考虑禁止剥削理论和软家长主义,法益理论中的损害原则无法为立法提供合理的说明。淫秽物品具有诲淫性的正向特征,没有科学价值或艺术价值的反向特征,这两个正反特征都应主要根据冒犯原则进行理解。 相似文献
62.
黄迎虹 《天水行政学院学报》2010,(4):22-26
桑德尔就罗尔斯正义理论中的“康德式自我”展开了激烈的批判,部分地导致了罗尔斯对自己理论的修正,即将正义理论限制于政治范围。即便如此,桑德尔仍继续追击,认为政治自由主义的预设政治正当优先于善,仍存在致命的局限。两人的论战围绕着国家的中立性展开。但无论如何,两人都没有否认以“国家中立性”为中轴的既有宪政根本制度,实质上这种分歧相当有限,只能是在诸如政策等层面成立。 相似文献
63.
Taxpayer governmentality: governing government in Metro Vancouver’s transit tax debate 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Kyle Willmott 《Economy and Society》2017,46(2):255-274
In a 2015 plebiscite, voters in Metro Vancouver, British Columbia rejected a proposed sales tax dedicated to funding a regional transportation plan. Opposition was spearheaded by a taxpayer group that focused on the perceived incompetence and wastefulness of the region’s transportation authority. Exercising a liberal imperative of ‘permanent critique of government’, the taxpayer group assembled evidence addressed to ‘taxpayers’. Developing a theoretical account of ‘taxpayer governmentality’, the paper analyses how people are addressed and fashioned as taxpayer subjects, empowered and responsibilized to govern government, and their own political conduct, as sceptical, calculating, non-political, economic actors. The paper concludes by suggesting that this taxpayer subject may be productive for understanding the practice of liberal critique and limitations of the state. 相似文献
64.
Kasper Lippert-Rasmussen 《Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy》2017,20(1):49-62
Alan Patten defends a novel principle of neutrality according to which the state must accommodate all conceptions of the good equally. This principle rests on the claim that the state must be equally responsive to the interests of all citizens. I introduce a competing principle – neutrality of disposition – according to which the state must be disposed to treat citizens with different conceptions of the good alike in relevantly similar situations. The requirement of the equal responsiveness of the state is neutral between these two conceptions of neutrality. Moreover, neutrality of disposition, unlike neutrality of treatment, is compatible with a plausible luck egalitarian view of cultural justice according to which justice requires the state to be more accommodating of some conceptions of the good than of others in situations where not being so will result in members of minority cultures being worse off than others through no responsibility of their own. 相似文献
65.
James D. Fielder 《Journal of Political Science Education》2019,15(1):82-93
ABSTRACTThis single lesson classroom game is designed to test student knowledge of Realist and Liberal concepts through an imbalanced resource bargaining mechanic. The game is designed for approximately 20 students divided into state teams of three to four students each and uses chocolate to represent the state teams’ economic capacity, military capability, and human security. Each state team had competing goals, over which they must cooperate or conflict for additional pieces. This game also uses an abstract design to maximize active learning through a short course of play while also making the game useful for testing concepts at any point in an International Relations course. In addition to offering a complete yet easily modifiable game for classroom use, this article also describes the game’s pedagogical contribution to the discipline, game design notes, and techniques for preventing students from stuffing their faces with game pieces. 相似文献
66.
作为影响当代中国最为主要的西方社会思潮之一,近年来,新自由主义在我国的传播表现出传播领域生活化、传播方式大众化、传播内容感性化等特点。新自由主义的观点和主张会对我国青年群体的主流意识形态认同造成负面影响,这些影响主要包括消解部分青年对于马克思主义的信仰、动摇部分青年对于社会主义制度的信心、改变部分青年的集体主义价值取向,以及扭曲部分青年的公平正义观念等等。为加强我国青年群体的主流意识形态认同,可以考虑从创新模式、传播方式和本土化这样三个方面来推进主流意识形态领域的改革,以此来确保马克思主义在我国青年群体精神生活领域的主导地位。 相似文献
67.
Christian Joppke 《West European politics》2017,40(6):1153-1176
Since the late 1990s, civic integration has become the dominant immigrant integration policy in Western Europe. This article reviews three debates surrounding the new policy: first, whether there is policy convergence or persistent variation along national models of integration; secondly, whether civic integration marks a retreat from multiculturalism, or is merely layered on resilient multiculturalist policies; and, thirdly, whether the new policy is liberal or illiberal, and whether it entails a return of cultural assimilation. It is argued that civic integration converges cross-nationally with respect to policy goals and instruments, while extant variation is often incoherent or touching more on the form than the substance of policy; that civic integration is national-level policy that tends to coexist with ongoing de facto multiculturalism, especially at local level; and that civic integration mostly remains in a liberal register, as it is still integration and not assimilation, which would connote forced identity change. 相似文献
68.
中国近现代人权观念的演变集中在上世纪前五十年,而仅仅这五十年就走过了西方人权理论三、四百年发展的历程。陈独秀的人权观是这五十年的人权观念变化链条上非常重要的一环。陈独秀前期人权观——在向马克思主义转变前的人权观是一种自由主义人权观。 相似文献
69.
新自由主义经济学一向以实证主义的方法而自居,其意识形态的主题是实证科学证明市场是配置资源的最优路径.其实,它的意识形态还往往隐含着某些特殊集团的利益要求.上世纪九十年代美国发生的"泡沫经济"就与新自由主义的意识形态密切相关.当今中国,新自由主义经济学大行其道,它的意识形态已成为流行的价值观念.美国的"泡沫经济"提醒人们该到反思的时候了. 相似文献
70.
Frederick Harry Pitts 《The Political quarterly》2020,91(1):235-242
This article surveys The Norman Geras Reader: ‘What’s There is There’, a recent collection of the work of Norman Geras, edited by Eve Garrard and Ben Cohen. The article explores the relevance of Geras’s attempted reconciliation between liberalism and Marxism to some of the key issues confronting the contemporary left: foreign policy and the failures of humanitarian intervention and non-intervention; internationalism and the necessity for solidarity across borders in an age of nationalist populism; left approaches to totalitarianism and antisemitism; the possibilities and limitations of alternatives to and critiques of liberal capitalism; and the reinvigoration of utopian imaginaries and the futures they promise. It suggests that important lessons for the left can be unpicked from the contested legacy of the ‘decent leftism’ Geras represents, where reapplied in the wake of new political and diplomatic challenges. 相似文献