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91.
从18世纪后半期开始,随着自由资本主义的发展和工业化进程的推进,英国进入到了工业社会,由此英国出现了严重的经济社会问题,由此导致英国古典自由主义逐步向新自由主义转变,随之英国政府在19世纪改变统治策略,不断加强中央集权,主动干预政治经济社会事务,进行政治、社会和司法等一系列法律改革。  相似文献   
92.
1996~2006年间,社会党妇女国际先后召开30余次会议,核心议题定位于消除社会上任何损害妇女权益的行为,争取妇女在普遍原则、发展、平等方面的权益。社会党妇女国际认为,新自由主义的勃兴及其治国理念的实施、教育资源缺少、传统社会的惯性思维等造成了妇女在暴力、性虐待、失业、童工、疾病、移民等问题上面临权益受损的严峻挑战。保障妇女权益的主要路经是:提高妇女的教育层次、经济地位、技术经验和卫生保健水平;完善保障妇女权益的国内法律法规和国际公约;充分发挥联合国、社会党国际及其成员党、各国政府的协调作用,整合世界资源,等等。  相似文献   
93.
国外东盟研究:方法与观点   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
20世纪 90年代 ,自由主义和建构主义对东南亚国际关系研究中现实主义的垄断地位提出了挑战 ,并形成了建构主义与现实主义齐头并进之势。由于分析问题的基本假设不同 ,各学派在对如何认识东盟成员之间的长期和平、东盟合作的性质、 80年代以后东盟一些新的发展动向等问题上提出了不同的观点。  相似文献   
94.
ABSTRACT

While the African Union's New Partnership for Africa's Development (AU/NEPAD) strives for both plurilateralism and regionalism, there are ideological and practical conditions that challenge the feasibility of a fully fledged regional integration institution in Africa. This article examines the AU/NEPAD in relation to Africa's ideological back-loading, while it explores how the programme reconciles Western-dominated economic plurilateralism with Africa's developmental regionalism. It highlights the ideological changes that helped with the modernisation of Western countries and how these developments become a challenge to Africa's economic development efforts. Africa has always been an ideological back-loader and a delayed integrator into global interdependence. During the mid-20th century, at the time Western countries (in particular Western European countries) were adopting regionalism, Africa was engaged in the same phenomenon for political and economic independence. While the economic crisis of the mid-20th century following the Second World War (WW2) enabled the industrialised countries to adopt embedded liberalism for socioeconomic development, at decolonisation Africa sought to espouse what turned out to be the dependency paradigm as the economic development strategy for Africa. In the 21st century, developed regions are transcending regionalism and gearing towards plurilateralism while most African leaders remain fixated in traditional regional integration on the continent. As the neoliberal ideology dominates the contemporary international political economy of the 21st century, albeit questionably, Africa's politico-socioeconomic realities are also premised on the same embedded liberalism. However, economic plurilateralism by industrialised countries with Africa challenges efforts towards regional integration on the continent. It would seem that the AU/NEPAD provides a viable compromise between developmental regionalism and economic plurilateralism on the continent.  相似文献   
95.
    
This article argues that much of the work on democratization and democratic consolidation is obscured by a conceptual fog, when at the very least some of this confusion could be ameliorated by parsing out components that are obviously liberal in nature. An admission of the importance of liberalization and liberal consolidation as distinctly different in form and measurement from democratization and democratic consolidation are the first steps to better research on the varieties of causation that constitute and propel the dissolution of more authoritarian regimes towards more liberal democratic regimes. Acknowledging that the liberal in liberal democracy is unpopular for some, and that liberal democracy does not necessarily mean American liberal democracy, go a long way to freeing these terms from ethnocentric misconceptions, as well as cementing analytical clarification. Though all modern democracies have both liberal and democratic components, democratic consolidation does not guarantee liberal consolidation.  相似文献   
96.
The ways citizen participation and democracy are changing are poorly understood due to the dominance of theories inherited from the eioghteenth centruy: Democratic citizenship can be better understood if critical reflection is re-oriented around the games of concrete freedom here and now as recommended by Hannah Arendt, Ludwing Wittgenstein, Michel Foucault and Quentin Skinner. This orientation brings to light two distrinctive types of citizen freedom in the present: diverse forms of citizen participation and diverse practices of governance in which citizens participate.  相似文献   
97.
殷昭举 《时代法学》2011,9(4):34-40
相较于自由主义的理解而言,马克思主义对于自治的理解更为精辟和深刻。马克思的自治观认为,在自治诸要素中联合的因素远重要于管理的因素,马克思主义认为自治的管理仅仅是实现自由人联合的手段或者途径,管理不是目的,自治的管理最终是为了促进个体联合的集体自由;自由的集体是以自治个体的联合为其存在前提的,这种自治个体的联合必须要超越血缘自然及其衍生的专制统治的束缚,以及以物和物的商品交换所形成的资本异化的压制。  相似文献   
98.
李书巧 《桂海论丛》2011,27(5):64-67
当代西方自由主义政治思潮经历了盛极而衰和重返复兴两个阶段,基本理念是个人主义和自由优先原则,其中的一个显著特征是对社会正义——平等的强调,这意味着西方政治哲学主题从"自由"到"平等"的重大转换。社会正义是当代人类社会的主题,各民族各国在发展进程中必须特别关注,这对于我们构建和谐社会、发展社会主义政治文明具有积极的借鉴意义。  相似文献   
99.
自由主义思想认为,国家权力对于个人自由具有双重作用:一方面,国家权力是维护个人自由的必要条件;另一方面,国家权力又是个人自由的威胁。因此,国家是一种必要的恶。  相似文献   
100.
    
《Japan Forum》2012,24(3):383-403
Abstract

Japan's immediate postwar intellectual landscape was a rough and variable one. The left acquired a position of dominance in the scholarly world, in which criticism of the past played a major role. Tsuda, a leading historian on ancient society and a ‘dissenting’ liberal before the war, was expected to take sides with the progressive camp after the war, but did not. He voiced support for the emperor and met with repeated criticism by the left. In his own right, he helped to shape a conservative consensus that gained dominance after fifteen years of turmoil, a consensus however that circumvented the crucial issues of cultural and political tradition as well as its immediate past, rather than face it straightforwardly.  相似文献   
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