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81.
SUMMARY

A “calling” is typically a compelling sense of purpose that arises from a place different from the calculus that leads to a choice of profession. Yet in the case of community psychology, the five people profiled in this essay have both an impressive professional portfolio and a sense of social mission. This essay explores the two sides of their work, and more broadly the challenges facing those who work as agents of change, while at the same time advancing and achieving notable accomplishments in systems that are at once sources of social problems and resources for solving them.  相似文献   
82.
"领主"和"贵族"曾经是早期罗斯社会的两个统治阶层,其起源和词源伴随早期俄罗斯的国家发展均发生了重大的变化.贵族作为帝俄的统治阶层,享有政治、经济、文化等方面的特权,同时也是俄国近代知识分子和进步思想的发源地.  相似文献   
83.
行政合同特权责任是行政主体在契约行政过程中因违法或不当行使行政合同特权而引起的兼具行政属性与契约内涵的特殊行政责任形式。其基本构成要件为责任主体、主观过错、客观行为以及行为与损害之间的因果关系。这一责任形态在行政合同的缔结阶段、履行阶段以及后契约阶段均可存在。其主要责任形式为继续履行、赔偿损失、补偿金以及作为特殊补充责任形式的违约金,但违约金责任的适用应作严格规则控制。  相似文献   
84.
律师在执业活动中发现当事人有隐瞒罪行,是否应当向司法机关作不利于其的指控,我国现行的刑事诉讼法和律师法对此没有作出明确规定.本文首先介绍了英美法中“律师—当事人”特免权的概念、意义、主体和范围,然后分析了为确保发现其实与证言所涉利益两者间的平衡,我国应赋予律师证言特免权的依据.文章最后指出,在我国立法赋予律师证言特免权的同时,还要兼顾律师证言特免权的例外情形.  相似文献   
85.
伴随经济、科技的发展,台湾地区市场经济机制逐渐趋于成熟,知识产权法律保护制度逐步建立和完善起来。台湾地区知识产权法律保护中的专利权、商标权和著作权法律保护是在原有法律制度基础上通过修改的方式逐步发展完善起来的。  相似文献   
86.
高健江 《政法学刊》2001,18(4):15-18
当今大多数国家从立法上肯定了被告人的沉默权,同时又作出了适当的限制.尽管赋予被告人沉默权会产生一些不利的影响,但沉默权是与刑事诉讼的一系列诉讼原则、规则,诉讼制度、结构和国际标准相一致的.从诉讼目的、道德观念、社会文明等法哲学的角度来看,承认沉默权是社会向前发展的一种必然,但是目前我国确立沉默权制度的条件尚未完全具备.  相似文献   
87.
章礼明 《河北法学》2005,23(3):125-129
亲属拒证权是刑事诉讼中的一项重要证据规则。通过比较西方两大法系典型代表国家法、德、英、美四国的相关 法律规则,揭示其共同性及其价值基础、差异性及其形成原因,并在此基础上对我国建立相关证据规则建构的必 要性和适切性进行论证,以及对如何建构提出立法建议。  相似文献   
88.
Kelly and Ramsey are clearly correct that a shift from a “how to” approach to custody evaluations to one that asks the more fundamental question “why” is long overdue. However, in addition to assessing the efficacy of custody evaluations (which Kelly and Ramsey propose), the legal system must also clarify the justification for imposing this extensive—and often expensive—intrusion into the privacy of parents. Three possible justifications for these intrusions are examined in this article: privilege, harm, and voluntariness. Is divorce a privilege, rather than a right, and can qualifications (including intrusive and expensive ones) be attached to requesting that privilege? Are custody evaluations instead justified as a means of avoiding harm to children? If a harm justification is asserted, exactly what harm do evaluations prevent, and how do they accomplish this harm avoidance? Finally, given the high value placed on parental cooperation by the family courts, is it simply too perilous for a parent to oppose a custody evaluation if one is suggested, either by the other parent or by the court? If so, are consents to custody evaluations truly voluntary?  相似文献   
89.
In this case study, I establish how a racial privilege shields whites from being framed as deviant by using two racially segregated motorcycle rallies as a naturalistic experiment. I conduct a content analysis of reader posts to online newspaper stories about the biker events (which regularly include deviance) and discover the bikers, their behaviors, and the proposed community reactions are framed in nearly opposite ways. Posters attribute a ‘white innocence’ to white bikers, framing them as upper class exemplars of American Individualism who temporarily suspend their morality during the rally by drinking, exposing their nude bodies, and ignoring newly passed laws, banning loud mufflers, and requiring helmets. Posters claim these unpleasant, although non-dangerous forms of deviance can be ignored, overlooked, and even celebrated as defiant acts against authority. The white innocence can appear racially innocuous until compared to the perception of black bikers who engage in similar behaviors at their rally but are framed as underclass criminals who attend the rally to steal and murder. This reveals how a usually unseen privilege shields whites from entanglements with the criminal justice system, as posters also call for further policing of racial minorities.  相似文献   
90.
The relative importance of selection and incentives is essential for understanding how elections structure politicians’ behavior. I investigate the relative magnitudes of these two effects in the context of US House members’ constituency communication. Consistent with previous research, I find that there is a negative cross‐sectional relationship between electoral security and the intensity of constituency communication. The negative relationship holds in a panel‐data setting where only within‐legislator variation in electoral security is used to identify the effect of electoral security on legislator behavior. Due to the likely presence of myopic voters, the impact of electoral security increases as the election approaches. Point estimates suggest that the total effect is almost entirely driven by incentives, and I am able to reject the hypothesis that the incentive effect is zero at conventional levels of statistical significance.  相似文献   
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