谈刑法教学中的公安素质教育目标

公安素质教育的总目标是立足于21世纪的需要,培养公安工作需要的高素质、应用型人才。全面实施素质教育是公安教育发展方向,素质教育要贯穿于教学中。刑法教学中素质教育目标主要是培养学生的政治素质、思想素质、法律素质。通过刑法教学,使学生具有较高的政治素质、思想素质和相当的法律素质,为以后的公安工作打下坚实的基础,进而实现公安素质教育的总目标。     

论海上拖航合同中的免责条款

《海商法》生效以来 ,对拖航合同当中免责条款的效力一直有争议。争议的焦点在于对《海商法》16 2条的解释。本文采用比较分析的方法 ,以中国法规定为基础 ,具体分析不同情况下拖航合同中免责条款的效力及确定依据。并对《海商法》相关条文是否应进一步完善提出建议。     

Is Russia a militocracy? Conceptual issues and extant findings regarding elite militarization

The dominant paradigm for understanding contemporary Russia holds that Vladimir Putin's tenure in office has been accompanied by a massive influx of former KGB and military personnel – so-called “siloviki” – into positions of power and authority throughout the polity and economy. Claims of extensive elite militarization, however, are largely based on the analyses of only one research program and, moreover, the validity of the estimates produced by that research program is open to question on numerous grounds. In this article, we review existing research on elite militarization in Russia; discuss a series of conceptual and empirical issues that need to be resolved if valid and meaningful estimation of military–security representation is to be achieved; introduce new findings; and evaluate the totality of existing evidence regarding whether the Russian state under Putin deserves to be labeled a militocracy. We find that the most straightforward reading of existing data indicates that the percentage of siloviki in the political elite during Putin's first two terms as president was approximately half of that which has been widely reported in both scholarship and the media, and also declined during the Medvedev presidency. In addition, our analysis of a broader cross section of the elite estimates military–security representation during the Putin presidency to have been lower still. Overall, existing data paint a less alarming picture of the depths to which siloviki have penetrated the corridors of power since 2000 than has been commonly portrayed and thereby cast doubt on Russia's status as an “FSB state.” On the other hand, past trends also provide some basis for expecting that the numbers of siloviki will once again rise during Putin's current presidential term.     

论和谐治理与合作型政府治理模式构建

和谐社会的理想境界要靠以政府为主导的和谐治理来实现;以政府为主导的和谐治理可称为合作型政府治理模式。合作的时代诉求和现实基础彰显了选择该模式的必要与可行。合作型政府治理模式的基本特征是:多元主体,民主决策,法治化管理,市场和社会化服务,责任过程和效能结果。该模式的构建须有宽容态度和发展眼光,需要提高民主法治质量,发展公民社会,建立协商对话机制与合作文化环境,加快行政改革,推进政府转型。     

国家与社会博弈逻辑中的乡村自治

本文沿着“推进村民自治的目的,民主主体理性的培养,自治主体的组织化,旧非正式组织的改造,正式组织的革新,乡村与国家权力边界的界定,社会权力的扩张,两种民主的结合”这一前后相继的分析路径,求解乡村自治问题。     

外交政策中的非物质诉求——国家声誉研究

国家声誉属于外交政策中的非物质性诉求当中一个重要因素。本文主要围绕国家声誉的本体实在、认识层次、前提假设以及作用条件展开论述。本文首先阐明国家声誉的理性基础是知识理性,然后对国家声誉因素展开本体论、认识论的分析,并指出声誉因素起作用的边界条件。文章最后就国家声誉在实践中的运用做了案例分析。     

论一般赃物犯罪的客观要件

一般赃物类犯罪的犯罪对象“赃物”应包括物品和收益两大类。对一些特殊物品及其收益,如违禁品应区别对待:法律有特别规定的,按独立罪名定。善意第三人占有的赃物丧失了赃物的属性。变卖加工后的赃物仍然是赃物。一般赃物犯罪的客观行为包括窝藏、转移、收购、代为销售或者以其他方法掩饰、隐瞒赃物。     

试论我国习惯的地位及与国家法的关系——以“合会”为中心的考察

通过对合会这一广泛存在的民间融资习惯的分析,初步探讨习惯在我国的地位及其与国家法之间的关系.首先分别阐述了合会在制定法上与实际生活中的地位,认为国家制订法应当认可习惯,而习惯由于传统外在权威的缺失去也需要国家法的确认.在此基础上从实然和应然的层面探讨了习惯和国家法之间的关系,指出从现实角度来看,在司法、执法环节,习惯被国家法默认;而从理想的角度来看,习惯应当被国家立法所认可.     

我国内地与港台地区检察官客观义务之比较

我国内地虽然在立法上对检察官负有客观义务有一定的体现,但在实践中落实得很不理想。通过对内地和港台地区的检察官客观义务进行比较,可以找出内地在此方面存在的立法和司法上的问题,进而有针对性地进行完善。     

Independent regulatory agencies in Turkey: are they really autonomous?

This article examines the autonomy of independent regulatory agencies (IRAs) in Turkey. It explores, first, the different factors that have led to the creation of IRAs and second, the legislative basis of their formal or de jure autonomy. Thereafter, the article assesses the extent to which this formal autonomy is really put in practice and how it is perceived by board members. The enquiry was conducted through a survey comprising interviews and a questionnaire applied to the same. It concludes that although formal autonomy is satisfactorily provided for by law, government tends to limit this autonomy through secondary legislation. Consequently, there are some constraints on the actual use of autonomy. Concerning de facto autonomy, survey findings show that boards are exposed to external and internal pressures and interference in their deliberations. Thus, the assumption that ‘the greater the autonomy the more efficient the management’ is questioned. The main sources of pressure on board members are from the regulated sectors themselves. These findings have an important bearing on democracy and the political–administrative interface, as it is confronted by market forces. Copyright © 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.