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101.
全球商务系统(GBS)要求企业在全球环境下确定公司的全球战略,结合公司组织结构,设计自身的管理与商务过程,最终建立适宜的技术平台。这一过程的关键是在成本收益核算的基础上析出核心商务处理及核心处理系统,最后选择适合的商务系统建设。  相似文献   
102.
Climate Change and UK Politics: From Brynle Williams to Sir Nicholas Stern   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
In 2000 the UK Labour government abandoned annual real fuel duty increases - a policy it had inherited from the preceding Conservative administration - in the face of direct action by farmers and hauliers. A short-term Conservative lead in the polls opened up. In 2006, the same Chancellor, Gordon Brown, announced an increase in air passenger duty from February 2007 in the light of the newly published Stern Review. The opposition parties denounced this as too feeble.
As Stern points out, all citizens in the world are in a global N-person prisoners' dilemma. Everybody knows that a world without global warming is better than a world with it; but each actor is unconditionally better off from continuing to pollute than from restraining her polluting.
Everybody expects somebody else to drive less. Now, however, all parties have committed themselves to tax and/or emission trading policies to mitigate global warming. The paper examines this transition.  相似文献   
103.
Abstract

The question that motivates this article is: what are the mechanisms through which the prosecution of the drug war in Latin America lead to human rights repression? In answering this question, I theorise that drug enforcement is a coalition of actors that facilitates domestic and international consensus around prohibition as a mechanism for corporate expansion. Drug war infrastructure financing is likely to facilitate the expansion of corporate investments by resource-seeking industries that require greater land use, which encroaches on the ancestral territories of indigenous peoples. And, in response to indigenous resistance to corporate appropriation of ancestral lands, resource-seeking transnational corporations will collude with private security firms and paramilitary organisations to repress and eliminate indigenous resistance. In the process of accumulating capital in Latin America, transnational corporations, domestic security, and paramilitary organizations are the drug enforcement coalition’s mediators of terror.  相似文献   
104.
What does the Belt and Road initiative (BRI) tell us about China’s perceptions of the international order? This paper takes an inductive approach by examining the BRI for a two-pronged purpose: first, to understand China’s perception of the international order by examining Beijing’s official discourse around its intentions and vision for the initiative; and, second, to examine the mechanisms through which Chinese norms are diffused and normalised in Global South states. I find that Chinese policy navigates a dialectical interchange between upholding the existing international order while simultaneously promoting alternative norms and practices to reform parts of the order that are unsatisfactory to Chinese interests. To answer the second part of the puzzle, the paper finds that a central socialisation mechanism in China’s foreign policy for Global South states occurs through professionalisation training programmes. These programmes allow for Chinese expert knowledge and technical know-how to be shared with and mimicked by elites and civil servants across many Global South states.  相似文献   
105.
运用社会网络分析方法,从整体结构、"小团体"、核心节点以及时间演化四个方面分析全球恐怖组织合作网络的结构特征,可以发现:合作已然成为恐怖组织间的发展趋势;合作网络具有无标度网络特征;网络内部派系分化明显;随着时间推移,网络规模不断扩大,整体联系降低,但节点的聚集程度上升。在制定打击恐怖主义措施时,应注意发动信息战,破坏恐怖组织间的合作;打击合作网络的集散节点,抑制网络的快速发展;分化瓦解合作网络,形成小规模的"派系网络";依据打击合作网络的性能要求,选取合作网络的特征节点作为打击目标。  相似文献   
106.
经济全球化浪潮在同质化整个世界的进程中,冲击着关于民族国家的价值观念,尤其是冲击着爱国主义信念,人们很容易在这一冲击中失去价值观判断力.马克思考察社会问题时持有理性和价值辩证统一的方法论,以此方法论来考察清楚当代全球化语境中民众应该正确持有的爱国主义价值观,具有理论和实践意义.同时,当代我国部分青年的爱国主义容易走向两个极端:一是青年人的非理性特质,使其容易走向一种独断的爱国主义;二是全球化的同质化倾向在青年人身上的表现更为明显,正消磨着青年人对国家的爱国主义热情.当代青年人的这两种极端倾向都是错误的,都需要详加考察,认真对待.  相似文献   
107.
This article aims to address how to ensure a two-way ‘dialogue’ across ‘the West/non-West distinction’ in international studies. To this end, I first discuss three different approaches to dialogue, the Socratic, the Habermasian, and the Weberian, and clarify what kind of thing dialogue should be if it is to overcome the ‘West-non-West divide’ and transform the current ‘Western-centric’ IR into a global discipline. I argue that dialogue should be understood as reciprocal feedback from different perspectives for mutual learning. In order to achieve this goal (i.e. mutual learning), I call for an ‘instrumentalist’ approach to dialogue. To elucidate this point, I offer an empirical illustration. The focus here is on dialogue as mutual learning between Western-centric IR theory, more specifically constructivism, and the indigenous experience and knowledge of East Asia.  相似文献   
108.
ABSTRACT

The EU’s proposal to renew the EU-ACP Agreement in spite of a number of signals pointing in the opposite direction is, inter alia, the unintended consequence of independent decisions taken in three different policy areas (trade, environment, and foreign and security affairs). The common unintended consequence that the three decisions shared would not have materialised if the European Commission had not purposefully triggered it to justify its vision of future EU-ACP relations. These findings challenge the prevailing and superficial usage of the notion of the unintended as a synonym for unanticipated and undesirable, and demonstrate that unintended consequences do not necessarily presuppose lack of anticipation, but may well be the result of calculation by policymakers.  相似文献   
109.
Abstract

This paper seeks to understand the seemingly paradoxical behaviour of states of the Global South, which on one the hand conform to transnational norms in order to integrate into the international society and on the other hand (sometimes simultaneously) differentiate themselves from them. To that end, this article develops the dilemma of the marginalised in order to show that conformity and differentiation become two paradoxical strategies for marginalised actors to pursue the same goal: equality with powerful states. The transformation of the Organisation of African Unity to the African Union, where significant changes in Africa’s policy vis-à-vis global powers took place, serves as a case study to illustrate how marginalised actors struggle between conformity and differentiation in order to claim their place in the international arena. It also shows how the dilemma of the marginalised can be compelling to help us understand the predicaments of marginalised actors across vastly different situations of structural inequality. Acknowledging the dilemma helps us understand their behaviour rather than to dismiss it as irrational, thereby recognising Third World agency in shaping the international system.  相似文献   
110.
在国际秩序构建问题上,伊肯伯里的"自由国际秩序"理论、普里马科夫的多极世界思想、基辛格的国际秩序演变观,是三种来自不同思想谱系、取向与功能各异、对国际秩序延续和转型有着各自思考的理论。虽然三种立场之间有时看似对立,存在着相互冲突与逆转的可能,但是不排除彼此接近、展开对话,乃至探寻共识的空间。从物理学意义上的外在结构,或简单引用历史先例,来寻找未来世界秩序演进的轨迹,显然已经不够。关注上述不同立场间的争议与各自在互动中的调整,研究各大国间很不相同的国内进程与"全球转型"之间的相互作用,具有重要的理论与现实意义。2020年初俄罗斯开启了"2024议程"。俄罗斯政府改组和普京提出宪法修正案等一系列重要部署与相关的广泛讨论,不仅旨在解决社会经济的紧迫挑战,同时也指向2024年现总统任期届满之后的中长期政治经济安排。像俄罗斯这样将当下困难问题的处理与长远发展战略部署加以联系,将本国内部事务的转型与未来世界发展的潮流相互衔接的做法,值得学界关注。  相似文献   
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