促进社会公正 构建社会和谐

促进社会公正、构建社会和谐对我国社会主义物质文明、政治文明和精神文明的建设起着至关重要的作用,对落实科学发展观、全面建设小康社会具有非常重要的意义。当前我国社会中存在的各种不公现象,是我国经济社会快速发展过程中产生的问题,有其客观、主观两方面的原因;应在正确分析和理解原因的基础上,采取针对性措施,坚持正确的思想观念与具体行动措施相结合,治标措施与治本措施相结合,减少甚至消除社会不公现象,促进构建和谐社会的伟大事业。     

The ‘Perils’ of an Identity Politics Approach to the Legal Recognition of Harm

In the past, and it still remains the case, people with learning difficulties who are victims of violence have been cast as being in need of protection rather than rights and justice. Such an approach belies an institutionalised perspective of harm that does not readily engage with criminal justice structures or solutions. At the same time, Sect. 146 of the Criminal Justice Act 2003 gives the court the power to pass enhanced sentences where it can be proven that a crime was motivated by hostility towards someone because s/he is disabled. However, this provision may simply remain a symbolic pledge to equality that fails to tackle the complex and deep rooted causes of violence and oppression in modern society. The consequences of automatically turning to hate crime ‘solutions’ have yet to be explored. This article will draw from the ideas of a number of thinkers in the context of diverse activism to construct a bridge between current debates about how to theorise and tackle violence and oppression in the modern world and the campaigns fought by people with learning difficulties and their supporters. The hope is that this exercise will not only help people with learning difficulties to access the current debate but will further develop current thinking about how to understand and tackle violence in the modern world.

民主宪政与社会主义和谐社会的实现

民主宪政是中国自清末立宪运动以来孜孜以求的梦想,也是我国建设“法治国家”的根本目标;而和谐社会作为全面建设小康社会的目标之一,一直是人类追求的美好理想,这两大目标紧密相连,两者相辅相成,缺一不可。只有实现了和谐社会,才能为我国的民主宪政的孕育发展奠定基础;只有实现民主宪政,才能保障和谐社会的实现和健康发展。民主宪政与和谐社会的实现须尊重和保障人权,树立宪法至上的权威和司法公正。     

Turkey – from tutelary to delegative democracy

Guillermo O’Donnell’s influential work ‘Delegative Democracy’ set the discourse on a peculiar type of democracy. Lying between representative democracy and authoritarianism, the uniqueness of delegative democracy lies in its features, including an absence of horizontal accountability, strong centralised rule, individual leadership with unchecked powers, a cult figure embodying the nation and clientelist practices. While delegative democracies seem to arise out of presidential systems, Turkey, though a parliamentary system, has also displayed the distinctive features of delegative democracies. This paper identifies three characteristics of delegative democracy, which are responsible for the lack of democratic consolidation, if not the erosion of democracy itself: anti-institutionalism, an anti-political agenda and clientelism. Arguing that delegative democracy is the best concept with which to examine contemporary Turkey, the paper lays out how, post-2011, Turkey has demonstrated the three elements of delegative democracy. The final section discusses the implications of the Turkish case for scrutinising the very possibility of delegative democracy in parliamentary regimes.     

The European Court of Justice and its political impact

This article reviews recent advances in the study of the European Court of Justice (ECJ) and its political impact at the European and member state levels. New quantitative as well as qualitative analyses show with great empirical precision that member state preferences guide the Court. The article summarises these findings, but argues that greater attention needs to be given to the (over-)constitutionalisation of EU law in order to fully capture the political impact of ECJ jurisprudence. Even if European judges are less activist than is often assumed and individual decisions are more restrained in the face of member state opposition, incrementally, case law evolves in a highly expansive fashion. And, exercising caution regarding unrealistic expectations about quasi-deterministic judicial law-making, it is found that the Court’s constitutionalised jurisprudence impacts heavily on European and member state policy-making.     

国际法视角下的柏威夏寺领土争端及其对我国的启示

柬埔寨、泰国间的柏威夏寺领土争端吸引了全世界的关注.联合国国际法院曾于1962年对柬埔寨与泰国间的柏威夏寺领土争端案进行裁判,该裁判对国际领土争端的相关原则进行了阐释和重申,在国际法上产生了广泛的影响.对这一裁判进行回顾和解析,不仅有利于我们更好地了解当前柬埔寨与泰国间关于柏威夏寺的争端,也可对我国边界争端的解决提供某种借鉴.     

领土条约的界定标准、解释方法及其运行结构

领土主权属于一国的核心利益问题。国际法院基于《维也纳条约法公约》第31-32条之规定,在解决领土条约争端时采取了"实质优于形式"和"同意"等界定标准。同时,在适用该《公约》解释相关条款时采取了不同的解释方法,体现了一定的灵活性,但也出现过矛盾与反复。对此,应根据该《公约》第31-32条规定的内部要素及外部变量,优化领土条约的解释方法和运行结构。这种路径的设计不再拘泥于《条约法公约》本身,适当拓展、引入当事方提供的证明事实真相的关键证据,对领土条约的解释进行补充说明,并非游离于《条约法公约》之外,转而寻求保持占有法律、有效控制等法理基础及相应的事实主张和证据,而是将两者合而为一,以《条约法公约》解释规则为主,其他关键证据为辅的层级解释路径。另外,国际法院在解释相关领土条约时,除了适用"《条约法公约》+其他层级关键证据"模式外,还应借鉴学界的解释方法论,以使得两者交互影响,进一步完善条约解释方法的路径,实现对领土条约解释规则的再造。     

刑事诉讼中的人权保障研究

刑事诉讼中的人权保障问题,在我国具有越来越重要的意义。应当说,人权保障与我们党的奋斗目标是一致的,但几十年来中国的人权保障事业存在着许多缺陷和问题。要加强这项复杂的社会工程建设,核心的问题是确立现代的刑事诉讼理念,使程序公正的诉讼价值和人权保障的诉讼目的真正地得到实现。     

The European Court of Justice and the Annulment of the Tobacco Advertisement Directive: Friend of National Sovereignty or Foe of Public Health?

In Case C-376/98 Germany v Council the European Court of Justice annulled a Directive which banned the advertisement and sponsorship of tobacco. The judgment sanctions regulatory policy-making at the national rather than the Community level. The paper examines the legal basis of the annulment, its effect on economic efficiency and the implied role of the Court in the formulation of public policy in Europe. Within the institutional limits of the judicial power to determine policy, the Court focused on whether or not disparate national laws restrict free movement and distort competition and affirmed the primacy of the nation state to regulate economic activity.     

律师刑事豁免权研究

律师在刑事诉讼中担任辩护人、诉讼代理人 ,为实现司法公正 ,保障人权作出重要贡献 ,同时也承担了巨大的风险。律师刑事豁免权是律师在刑事诉讼过程中维护委托人合法权益和降低律师执业风险的有力保障