试论改善未成年人安全状况的对策——基于对四川省调查的分析

未成年人是国家的未来和民族的希望。在针对四川省6-17岁的未成年人安全状况的调查发现,未成年人安全感总体比较高,获取安全信息的渠道多元化,对来自官方的信息具有较高的信任感,学校安全教育是未成年人安全信息获取的重要渠道。同时,调查还发现在未成年人生活中存在食品安全形势严峻,交通安全有待提升,用电安全需要加强,网络交友潜伏隐患,人际沟通不容乐观,救助常识相对缺乏,社会组织在未成年人安全保护中的活力不足等安全隐患。构建政府主导,家庭保护、学校保护、社会保护、未成年人自护"四位一体"的未成年人安全保护格局,从改进社会治理的角度激发社会组织参与未成年人安全服务的活力是改善未成年人安全状况的出路。     

两岸关系制度化如何处理“台湾当局政治地位”问题

两岸关系和平发展制度化面临的核心障碍是：是否认同“两岸同属一个中国”，以及如何设计两岸都能接受的“一中”法律架构和中央政权架构，而台湾当局的政治地位及两岸关系定位则是争论的焦点所在。两岸在“国号”上的分歧并未改变“两岸同属于一个中国”、“中国的主权以及人民和领土完整并未分裂”的事实，只是中国内战未能彻底结束，导致了“一个中国内两个敌对政权阶段性并存”的格局。笔者认为，在两岸均以谋求国家和平统一为目标的前提下，似可默认在国家统一前双方政权互不隶属，两岸任何一方都不强求对方接受自己作为国内法意义上代表全中国的中央政府，并在国际社会共同维护“一个中国”。未来两岸“统一”的法律目标是：本着相互宽容和谅解的精神，通过平等协商，制定或认可两岸均能接受的、在全中国范围内具有最高法律效力的宪法或宪法性法律，组成能有效管治全中国的中央政府。     

Principles of Participatory Communication Reconceptualised for Instructional Corporate Social Responsibility Communication

One of the main aims of corporate social responsibility (CSR) is to contribute to sustainable development, and effective communication is imperative in reaching this goal. When the aim of communication is to contribute to sustainable development, it falls within the field of communication for social change, where the participatory approach is the norm. However, the context of instructional CSR communication poses challenges to the traditional conceptualisation of the participatory approach. This creates a need to reconceptualise the participatory approach for instructional CSR communication contexts. A literature review identified four main principles of the participatory approach (dialogue, participation, cultural identity, and empowerment) and illustrated how they are traditionally conceptualised. The empirical study focused on two companies’ CSR programmes where agriculturists were assisting emerging farmers with training, skills development and mentoring. Sixteen semi-structured interviews with farmers and agriculturists were conducted to determine the applicability of the theoretical principles as traditionally conceptualised for this context. We argue that beneficiaries may not be able to participate as equal partners in all aspects of the CSR initiative from the beginning (as traditionally assumed), but that they should, through their involvement, be empowered to participate more meaningfully in later stages even though power will remain largely with the company.     

The European ‘Other’ in Poland’s Conservative Identity Project

Since taking office in November 2015, Poland’s conservative government has pressed for a sweeping reinterpretation of the past, and a re-envisioning of the future, of the political community. This conservative identity project idealises the allegedly fully sovereign Poland of the interwar period and repudiates the normative commitments underpinning Poland’s accession to the European Union. The worldview of the conservative government’s liberal critics, by contrast, represents a fusion of the inclusive nationalism asserted in opposition to communist rule with the affirmation of a European identity. The reawakening of historically resonant debates about the nature of Poland’s European-ness, emphasizing the centrality of the (Western) European ‘other’ in Poland’s national idea, carries significant implications for its relations within the international environment.     

Russia as a great power: Status inconsistency and the two Chechen wars

The article examines Russia as a great power from the point of view of status inconsistency theory. Applications of the theory to Russia have focused on the status accorded to Russia in diplomatic representation and membership of key international organizations, which suggests that Russia is a ‘status overachiever’ in that it has an international status that is greater than its actual capabilities would warrant. However, this article focuses on Russian perceptions of the country's status internationally, especially as reflected in the actual experience of membership in international organizations (OSCE, Council of Europe) and relations with the EU in the context of the two Chechen wars. The article demonstrates that, at least according to Russian assessments, Russia is accorded lower status in these organizations than the great power status which most Russians believe should be theirs. While concluding that status inconsistency is a useful tool for explaining Russian foreign policy behavior, the article notes that differing assessments of what Russia's level of status recognition is pose challenges for status inconsistency theory.     

‘Greatpowerness’ as the key element of Russian self-consciousness under erosion

The article analyzes changes in attitudes to and interpretations of Russian ‘greatpowerness’ (velikoderzhavnost') between the years of 2000 and 2014, that is to say during President Putin's period of rule. The concept of Russia as the great power was changing during this time in two respects: first, there was an increasing reticence of self-assessments; second, we observe prioritization of protecting the country's own, mostly regional, interests as opposed to expansion which would be characteristic of a great power. Moreover, this period clearly demonstrates contradictions and dangers, engendered in the process of losing self-perception as that of the great power. The readiness of Russian political elite to part bit by bit with the status of the great power and to go to the status of a regional power is combined (as the events around Ukraine have shown) with unwillingness to sustain the new status of the country with the help of the capabilities of a soft power. Lack of these, as well as of the skills in their use, and finally, a desire to raise the rating of trust in the government with the help of “a small victorious war” have formed the basis for the aggressive upsurge towards Ukraine. In the absence of serious hard and soft capabilities, the splashes of aggressiveness in Russian foreign policy and of anti-Western sentiments in domestic political life are unlikely to have any lasting effect. They are able, however, to generate extremely negative long-term consequences for the country.     

中国共产党与妇女界抗日民族统一战线

抗战时期，中共在共产国际七大政策和国共合作的影响下，制定以动员妇女抗战为核心的统战政策，建立形态多元的妇女统战组织，为妇女界抗日民族统一战线的建立提供了政策基础和组织保证。适应国共关系的变化，中共采取灵活机动的统战策略，应对妇女运动领域的摩擦，使妇女界抗日民族统一战线得到发展和巩固，为中国抗战的胜利积聚了力量。     

女性话语·国族寓言·华人文化英雄——从文化研究视角重读当代华语经典《桑青与桃红》

本文从文化研究视角重读旅美台湾作家聂华苓的华语经典小说《桑青与桃红》。认为此作的离散书写和女性话语方式在华语文学史上占有突出而重要的位置,作品叙述了20世纪华人个体的流离创伤体验,同时拥有国族寓言的反思视域,以人物的历史遭际和人格分裂隐喻从抗战到冷战时期的华人离散境遇和文化政治。女性形象桑青/桃红具有华人文化英雄意味。     

越南学生在广西留学现状分析

近10年来,随着中国与越南在各个层面的交流不断拓展和深入,中国的越南留学生迅速增多,其中在广西的越南留学生人数占来华越南留学生人数将近三分之一。本文对越南学生在广西留学的现状、越南留学生在广西留学的模式、广西各高校留学生管理体制等进行分析。     

美国精神病人强制住院治疗法律制度及其借鉴

精神病人强制住院治疗制度是美国一项重要的法律制度。该制度通过司法程序将具有危险性、无法自理的精神病人强制性地送入精神治疗机构治疗。这涉及精神病人的人身自由、名誉等基本权利,因此美国制定法和判例法中形成了强制治疗的实体标准和正当程序。该制度要求治疗机构根据实际情况对于治疗期限届满的精神病人作出合理的处理。这一制度为我国精神病人强制治疗法律制度的规范与完善提供了可资借鉴的经验。