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791.
投放危险物质罪是一种极其严重的危害公共安全犯罪,毒害性、放射性、传染病病原体等物质是该罪的犯罪对象,犯罪对象的高危险性、隐蔽性、科技性决定了该罪证据的收集、审查与普通刑事犯罪具有不同的要求。在侦查、审查起诉阶段,投放危险物质罪证据的收集、审查判断存在主客观方面的问题。因而,有必要提高侦查人员的证据收集意识,将言词证据与实物证据并重,充分利用科技手段,提高侦查的技术含量和鉴定质量,加强对证人的保护,以完善投放危险物质罪的证据应用。  相似文献   
792.
本研究采用症状自评量表(Symptom checklist SCL-90)和自编基本信息问卷对贵州省某监狱男性服刑人员进行问卷调查,并用SPSS16.0统计软件进行统计分析以及对服刑人员的刑期长短、年龄大小、文化程度、婚姻状况、犯罪类型进行比较.结果发现服刑人员总分、总均分、阳性症状分明显高于全国常模,尤以强迫症状、人际关系敏感、抑郁因子得分极为明显.而且刑期、年龄、犯罪类型对服刑人员心理健康具有一定的影响.监狱的服刑人员心理健康状况存在明显的异常,并且需要对不同的服刑人员进行具有针对性的心理健康教育辅导.  相似文献   
793.
This article concentrates on charter school policy that is regarded as the fastest growing innovative policy in America. Its adoption is more impressive than other innovative policies in the public educational area. By 2008, 40 states among 50 American states have passed charter school law since Minnesota became the first pathfinder to create charter school law about two decades ago. However, 10 states have not adopted charter school law. Based on this dichotomous policy phenomenon, the primary research question of the study focuses on clarifying what factors drive American states to adopt charter school policy. To obtain answers for this research question, the study dedicates to analyzing main hypotheses from the regional diffusion model and state characteristics, using event history analysis. The results demonstrate that the three predictor variables—regional diffusion, similar innovation, and gubernatorial political tendency—positively have significant effects in explaining the adoption of American state charter school policy.  相似文献   
794.
Using data from the University of Maryland's Global Terrorism Database II, this paper first provides information on the nature of terrorist incidents in India in the period 1998-2004: the Indian states that were worst affected by terrorist incidents and fatalities; the terrorist groups responsible for such incidents and their modus operandi. Next, the paper focuses on the issue of fatalities from terrorist incidents. It inquires into the extent to which the number of fatalities following an incident was influenced by the type of attack (bombings, armed assault, etc.) and the extent to which it was influenced by the type of terrorist group. By examining the number of fatalities resulting from terrorist attacks in India, the paper disentangles the influence on this number of attack type and attack group. Lastly, the paper applies Atkinson's concept of equality-adjusted income to terrorism to arrive at the concept of equality-adjusted deaths from terrorist incidents: in order to avoid spectacular incidents resulting in the loss of a large number of lives—as in New York on September 11, 2001 and in Mumbai 26–29 November 2008—“society” might be prepared to tolerate “low-grade” terrorism which resulted in a larger number of deaths in total but avoided a large number of deaths from a single iconic incident.  相似文献   
795.
How does democracy influence terrorism? The regime-responsive school argues that lack of representation in autocracies motivates violence; the regime-permissive school posits that individual liberty in democracies allows it. The schools thus disagree about the democratic feature to which violence responds—representation or individual liberty. These arguments are problematic in two ways. First, neither accounts for the potentially competing effects of different democratic features. Second, treating terrorism as a set response to operating context ignores the operational processes behind violence, described in organizational theories of terrorism. This article develops a bridge between the regime-responsive and regime-permissive schools by applying organizational theories of terrorism to their key arguments. I argue that representation and individual liberty have independent, and sometimes competing, effects on armed groups' missions, hierarchies, and membership—collectively organizational capacity, the ability to survive and influence the environment. This explains the mixed effects of democracy on terrorism: both high-functioning democracy and repressive autocracy weaken organizational capacity, but decreased representation in a democracy or higher individual liberty in an autocracy removes organizational stresses. New research on Chile between 1965 and 1995—representing five government periods, with four armed groups operating—acts as an initial test of these relationships.  相似文献   
796.
Oisín Tansey 《Democratization》2013,20(7):1169-1194
Traditional approaches have conceptualized political regimes almost exclusively with reference to domestic-level political factors. However, many current and historical political regimes have entailed a major role for international actors, and in some cases the external influence has been so great that regimes have become internationalized. This article explores the concept of ‘internationalized regimes’ and argues that they should be seen as a distinct form of hybrid regime type that demonstrates a distinct dimension of hybridity. Until now, regime hybridity has been conceived along a single dimension of domestic politics: the level of competitiveness. Yet, some regimes are characterized by a different type of hybridity, in which domestic and international authority are found together within a single political system. The article explores the dynamics of internationalized regimes within three settings, those of international occupation, international administration and informal empire.  相似文献   
797.
ABSTRACT

How does violence become understood as terrorism? In this article, we show how a narrative approach to the study of violent events offers a conceptually productive way to understand the process of “seeing” an event as a terrorist act, one that explicitly integrates the phenomenology of violence. While the collective practice of defining terrorism in academia and the policy arena has struggled to produce a universal definition, we identify a set of “common sense” characteristics. We argue that if the framing of violent events prominently features these characteristics as discursive anchors, this primes processes of sensemaking toward interpreting violence as terrorism. While terrorism markers are often articulated as being pragmatic and apolitical indicators of terrorist acts, we show that they are indeed at the core of political contests over historical and physical facts about violent events. The narrative approach we develop in this article underscores that intuitive leanings toward interpreting violence as terrorism are a sign of political agency precisely because they are produced through the stories political agents tell.  相似文献   
798.
评估锁骨胸骨端骨龄对于推断青少年是否已满18周岁法定责任年龄具有实用价值,传统的研究方法主要基于X线检查,但由于锁骨胸骨端与相邻的肺、支气管、胸骨、肋骨及胸椎横突等解剖结构相互重叠,通过X线观察锁骨胸骨端骨骺发育时,较易出现假阴性或假阳性的阅片结果,直接影响骨龄鉴定意见的科学性与准确性。近年来,国内外已有学者运用薄层CT扫描技术评估锁骨胸骨端骨龄,并通过联合CT二维、三维图像重组技术,使骨骺形状、大小及位置得以清晰显示,提高了结果的准确性。据此,本文综述了国内外关于薄层CT扫描技术在锁骨胸骨端骨龄评估中的应用及研究进展,分析薄层CT扫描技术运用于锁骨胸骨端骨龄研究的优势以及价值所在。  相似文献   
799.
法医学是当前司法鉴定中的重要组成部分,其研究内容广泛,具有高度的专业性。随着网络技术的发展、信息资源的增加以及人们法律意识的增强,法医学必然会面临许多新问题,对诉讼证据的要求标准也越来越高。鉴于此,在法医学领域应建立起循证的理念,通过循证的方式在法医学以及相关领域内寻求最合适的解决法医学实务中具体问题的证据,循证不但能够及时解决法医学领域的现行问题,其对于法医学的进步与发展也将具有重大的推动作用。本文综述了循证的基本理论及其在法医学领域的作用,以及循证的途径、方法、证据的评价,并探讨网络环境下法医学循证的应用价值。  相似文献   
800.
突发公共事件分类、分级与分期:应急体制的管理基础   总被引:55,自引:0,他引:55  
当前 ,我国的应急管理体制建设已经进入了一个新的发展阶段。不同类型突发公共事件发生的原因、导致危机状态的影响程度和范围、产生社会危害的严重程度都有很大差异 ,从而使得政府应对的措施和手段也有所不同。此外 ,相同类型突发公共事件的不同阶段对政府应急管理措施的要求也都不同。本文系统地讨论了我国突发公共事件分类、分级与分期制度的思路 ,旨在为国家应急管理体制建设提供基础性的背景框架。  相似文献   
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