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81.
“痕迹主义”是痕迹管理的异化衍生,是以痕迹代替政绩,过于看重留痕而不注重实际效果的一种工作作风,其本质是形式主义和官僚主义的新型表现形式。缺乏系统科学的绩效目标、绩效考核指标设计不科学、绩效任务执行过于频繁化、绩效考核方式缺乏差异性、绩效考核结果运用不当,共同促成了“痕迹主义”的产生。结合绩效管理理论,应从绩效目标设置...  相似文献   
82.
金融风险防控是中国经济社会发展的重要攻坚战之一。分析地方政府隐性债务成因、风险成因和风险传导机制等可以发现,地方政府偿债能力增长率高于债务规模增长率,是阻断地方政府隐性债务风险出现、传导和爆发的理论逻辑。解决债务风险问题的关键在于,以提高政府投资效率和债务人偿债能力为出发点,增强地方国有平台型公司盈利能力。科学推进地方...  相似文献   
83.
特定的法律人才培养模式,不仅决定了一个国家法律人才的素质,更对国家的司法体系,法的生产方式及其发展,法的运行模式等等产生深远的影响。处于社会变革时期的发展中国家,选择一种适合本国国情的法律人才培养模式,会对国家法制建设和社会变迁起到积极作用。我国法律人才培养存在定位不清,课程设置不合理,没有形成办学特色等问题。通过比较法研究,寻求相应的改革路径。  相似文献   
84.
    
To break the chain of exclusionary zoning and produce affordable housing, mandatory state zoning reform policies have been in place for a couple decades in the United States. Their success is often constrained by local resistance and noncompliance. Some scholars argue that the lack of incentives to communities for affordable housing production is one of the main reasons for their resistance to state mandates. At present, no incentive-based state zoning reform policy is at work except in Massachusetts. Inclusionary zoning policies do offer incentives to developers but not to communities. This article examines the strengths and weaknesses of mandatory state policies and Massachusetts's incentive-based policy and offers policy insights for the future.  相似文献   
85.
    
Abstract

Decentralization reforms introduced to Africa have not always delivered the intended outcomes. Through interaction with the broader historical, political, social and economic context, reforms seem to have engendered political consequences beyond decentralization itself. Most of the literature on decentralization and development emphasizes questions of institutional design and policy, but here we expand the focus of analysis and incorporate the harder-to-pin-down political patterns marking the workings of decentralization in Africa. Through the case-studies of Ghana, Senegal, Zimbabwe, Namibia, Ethiopia and Uganda we seek to connect the debates on development with the scholarly literatures on comparative federalism, comparative decentralization and local democracy. The conclusion that emerges is that no magic formula which can turn countries into peaceful, stable and prosperous democracies overnight exists. And, importing formal institutions without regard to the local historical, political, social and economic context risks leaving us with elegant but dysfunctional iron houses in the tropical heat.  相似文献   
86.
    
The Engage programme was launched in April 2006 by the Government Communication Network (GCN) in the UK. As a civil service body supporting those in government working as press officers and in marketing roles, the GCN under the New Labour government in the period 2006–2010 was involved with the extension of the logic of marketisation to government communication. This article charts this process by examining key government policy documents from this period. The rationale for Engage rested on the assumption that government in the UK needed to adapt its communication approach to reach what were perceived as individualised consumers in society. The extension of the logic of marketisation to government communication that happened under Engage is shown to be consistent with the New Public Management approach to public services under New Labour. Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   
87.
鉴于元朝灭亡的教训,朱元璋力图从制度上预防与惩治贪污腐败。他制定低俸禄与低办公经费制度强迫官员保持节俭的作风,以严酷的法律惩治贪污腐败,并建立了一个完善的监察系统搜集官员腐败的证据。朱元璋的制度建设虽然对遏制贪污腐败起到了一定震慑作用,但即使是在朱元璋时代,贪污行为也屡发不绝。朱元璋过世后,低俸禄与低办公经费成为官员贪腐的正当理由,严酷的反贪法律的执行因为完全取决于皇帝的态度实际上也逐渐废止了,监察制度也变成了党争的工具。尽管如此,朱元璋的制度反腐仍然为今天的廉政建设提供了可资借鉴的经验与教训:反腐教育应当常抓不懈,反腐应摆脱依赖个人意志的法律,注意保持官员的适当工资水平。  相似文献   
88.
    
Since August 2014, there has been a marked increase in the violence perpetrated by the Islamic State against Western hostages. Videos released by the Islamic State depicting the brutal executions of hostages have been circulated widely on social media. This has prompted a dialogue about governments’ policies regarding negotiation with terrorist organisations to secure the release of their citizens held overseas. The United States and Britain, two non-negotiating countries, have faced significant criticism for this policy, which has led to the beheadings of several American and British citizens. This article analyses the discourse of two spokesmen – White House Press Secretary Josh Earnest, and British hostage John Cantlie – in framing the issue of hostage negotiations on behalf of their organisations. A grounded theory approach informed by framing analysis is utilised in order to identify dominant discourses employed in White House press briefings and John Cantlie’s videos and articles. This article concludes that, through the deliberate use of discourse, the US government and the Islamic State shape public perception of hostage negotiations in pursuit of distinct policy goals.  相似文献   
89.
Ersel Aydinli 《Democratization》2013,20(6):1144-1164
In considering the future of budding Middle Eastern democracies, past experience and scholarship show that a possible outcome for even the most “successful” ones is some form of imperfect democracy. Based within the literature on democratic transitions and hybrid regimes, this article explores possible factors leading to such outcomes. It focuses in particular on reform/security dilemmas, and the resulting evolution of dual state structures, in which an unelected and often authoritarian state establishment coexists with democratic institutions and practices, for example, in countries like Russia, Iran, or Pakistan. Much of the literature views such duality as an impasse, and thus considers these countries as trapped within this “hybridness” – discouraging news both for currently defined “hybrid regimes” and for countries like Egypt and Tunisia, which are now launching democratization processes. To better understand the nature and evolution of such regimes, this article looks at the case of Turkey, first tracing the rise and consolidation of the Turkish inner state, generally equated with the Turkish armed forces. It then looks at the apparent diminishing and integration of the inner state through pacts and coalitions among both civilian and military elements, and calls into question whether the pessimistic view of permanent illiberalness is inevitable.  相似文献   
90.
    
The dual processes of rapidly transforming cities and administrative decentralisation demands that local government address human mobility as a means of countering urban poverty. Despite this imperative, local authorities are often poorly equipped to address the needs of poor and transient residents. Through an examination of four South African municipalities, this article helps to identify three critical factors working against effective responses: poor data and conceptual bias; institutional ambiguities and budgeting processes; and, ironically, participatory planning. Although any one of these could serve as a basis for an article, by taking them together, we better summarise the challenges' scope and outline areas for further research and policy intervention. The article concludes by considering these findings' practical and scholarly implications. Copyright © 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   
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