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22.
论权力资源的法律调控方式 总被引：2，自引：0，他引：2
对权力资源实施法律调控 ,需要以民主宪政制度为基础并建立分权制衡体制。除此之外 ,还应注意对相关权力实行重点调控 ,注重以法律形式确认和保障权利 ,从法律上健全权力的责任追究制度。契约形式是区别于传统命令方式的权力资源法律调控的新形式。除法律形式外 ,权力资源的实现还有非法律形式 ,应当合理界分两种权力资源实现形式的适用范围 相似文献
23.
论地方环境立法公正和效率价值的平衡 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
我国地域辽阔,域内自然环境差别较大,其决定了地方环境立法居于不可或缺的地位。地方环境立法应兼顾公正和效率价值平衡,并坚持"效率优先、实现公正"的立法价值取向。地方政府应当对当地新生环境问题结合当地经济、技术、自然实际情况及环境保护的需要及时立法,并对不适时的地方法规进行及时修改,实现地方环境法制系统公正和效率价值的最大化追求。 相似文献
24.
塑造现代政府良好社会形象的对策探析 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
在政治日益民主化,经济日益全球化的时代背景下,塑造现代政府良好社会形象尤为重要,现代政府良好的社会形象主要体现在政府领导者形象,行政决策形象,舆论传媒形象等方面,这要求我们必须加强政府公共关系活动和政府危机事件的管理,保持政府形象与时俱进,塑造具有地方特色的现代政府良好社会形象。 相似文献
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Sonja Grover 《Education & the Law》2005,17(1-2):43-52
The 2004 Supreme Court of Canada decision in Auton concerns the right of autistic children to access services held by their parents to be essential to their children's ability to participate as members of a democratic society. It is argued that the child's right to have his or her basic developmental needs met is a constitutionally protected one. Having those developmental needs met engages both education and health rights. In Auton the parents had sought funding for the service at issue from the Ministry of Health, the Ministry of Children and Families (which dealt with mental health services and other particular support programs for the families of disabled children) as well as from the Ministry of Education. The case raises central questions regarding the very nature of education and the constitutionality of a discretionary power of government to set out statutory limitations upon fundamental human rights including education rights. 相似文献
27.
行政监察工作法治化是依法行政的必然要求,纵观我国现行行政监察体制和运行机制,存在着明显的缺陷和不足。探索一条科学有效的社会主义行政监察之路,需要在马列主义、毛泽东思想、邓小平理论以及“三个代表”重要思想指导下,弘扬民主理念,完善行政监察立法,深化体制改革,建立专职的行政监察队伍,实现国际社会联合协调行动。 相似文献
28.
《Japan Forum》2012,24(1):133-156
Abstract This article presents a preliminary examination of the municipal mergers of the Heisei era as the process unfolded in one rural prefecture in advance of the deadline of March 2006. The article opens by contextualizing the arguments for municipal mergers and the reality of mergers in other settings. A brief history of past periods of municipal mergers in Japan is provided and then the case for Aomori Prefecture, a rural and highly peripheral prefecture of northern Honshu, is examined. Using municipal PR materials, a sector analysis approach focusing on government, municipality and resident and coverage in the local media as the means to examine the process and issues of the mergers, the article concludes by questioning if mergers are necessary and, now that mergers are a reality, if the objectives which mergers are to achieve are locally meaningful to much of rural Japan. 相似文献
29.
《Japan Forum》2012,24(2):189-203
Abstract Japanese women's history has been regarded as marginal to historical investigation for a long time. The subject hardly existed before 1945 and even after that date many academic historians were reluctant to accept women's history as a part of Japanese history. However, the social and political climate of the 1980s in particular, favourable in many ways to women, gave opportunities for Japanese women's historiography to promote itself and also brought the subject fuller academic recognition. Exciting and innovative research on Japanese women's history has been carried out over the past decade or so. Much of this has been conducted not only by ‘academic’ women's historians, but also by freelance writers, journalists and amateur historians, that is by people who have been less saddled with traditional historical methods and expectations. The study of Japanese women's history has now reached the point where the subject no longer requires justification. This paper gives an overall picture of the development of Japanese women's historiography from about 1920 to 1985. It outlines major publications on the subject, which helped promote the standards of its scholarship, and evaluates these, making some comparison with Western counterparts. It discusses the most likely developments in the subject for the future. 相似文献
30.
《Japan Forum》2012,24(1):17-38
Abstract Japan is unusual among modern democracies in that journalists, mostly senior employees of major media groups are regularly and formally integrated into public policy process through membership in numerous statutory and semi‐statutory public advisory bodies (PABs) which are often institutions of sub‐governments. Journalists play a variety of roles in these policy networks: as free agents; as delegates of their media organizations; as sources and conveyors of information; as critics; as go‐betweens; and as legitimizers of government policy positions and of compromises reached by PAB members representing conflicting views and interests. This institutionalized structure of media‐government connection has several implications for Japanese democracy. It brings a unique perspective to the generation and reporting of news. It also contributes to public education about policy processes and fosters a certain cynicism about politics and government. Moreover, it has turned the major media into a hub of policy networks in almost all policy domains. 相似文献