论公证的证据效力

证据效力是公证的基本效力之一,也被视为公证与私证的主要区别。公证的证据效力包括两方面内容:一是公证证明的内容属于司法认知的范畴;二是从证据材料的优先性来看,经过公证的书证证明力大于一般的书证。公证的公信力是公证证据效力的渊源,而相关法律规定也为这种公信力提供了保障。公证证据在诉讼证明中可以成为书证,经过公证的法律行为、法律事实和文书属于可予认知的内容,只是在形式上具有初步可信的证明效力,因而在某种程度上是可辩驳和推翻的。目前,公证证据在我国仅适用于民事诉讼,在刑事诉讼中的运用应受到限制,一般不宜成为司法认知的对象、不能直接作为定罪量刑的依据。     

试析中国政治体制改革的任务、经验及目标模式

中国现行政体是作为现代民主政体两种基本类型之一的人民民主政体.中国政治体制改革的基本任务是发展、完善现行人民民主政体,而非将其彻底否定,以自由民主政体取而代之.中国政治体制改革的一个成功经验,就是社会主义国家政治体制改革必须遵循坚持、发展、完善人民民主政体的原则.中国政治体制的目标模式应当是一种新型的人民民主政体,即以"坚持党的领导、人民当家作主和依法治国有机统一"为基本特征的新型人民民主政体.     

‘Triple wins’ or ‘triple faults’? Analysing the equity implications of policy discourses on climate-smart agriculture (CSA)

This paper analyses contrasting discourses of ‘climate-smart agriculture’ (CSA) for their implications on control over and access to changing resources in agriculture. One of the principal areas of contestation around CSA relates to equity, including who wins and who loses, who is able to participate, and whose knowledge and perspectives count in the process. Yet to date, the equity implications of CSA remain an under-researched area. We apply an equity framework centred on procedure, distribution and recognition, to four different discourses. Depending on which discourses are mobilised, the analysis helps to illuminate: (1) how CSA may transfer the burden of responsibility for climate change mitigation to marginalised producers and resource managers (distributive equity); (2) how CSA discourses generally fail to confront entrenched power relations that may constrain or block the emergence of more ‘pro-poor’ forms of agricultural development, adaptation to climate change, or carbon sequestration and storage (procedural equity); (3) how CSA discourses can have tangible implications for the bargaining power of the poorest and most vulnerable groups (recognition). The paper contributes to work showing the need for deeper acknowledgement of the political nature of the transformations necessary to address the challenges caused by a changing climate for the agricultural sector.     

网络公民社会的成长及其对社会政治稳定的影响

作为公民社会在互联网时代发展的产物,网络公民社会的产生与成长是多方面因素共同作用的结果。目前我国的网络公民社会已由自在阶段过渡到自觉构建的自为阶段,社会影响力愈来愈大,对当前我国的政治安全与社会稳定带来了积极和消极两方面的影响。研究网络公民社会的成长历程,把握其发展趋势,深入分析其影响以便引导其与社会主义相适应,对于维护转型期的社会政治稳定具有深远的理论与现实意义。     

司法的中国特色

中国司法在实现现代化的进程中,存在着“本土化”与“普适化”碰撞和平衡的难题与困境.政治制度的复杂多样性、司法文化传统、国情、大国崛起的使命、政治主体的自决性等多元因素,决定了中国司法应当保持自身特色.与世界通行司法规律兼容,体现高效、便捷,满足民众实质正义的心理期待,维护社会稳定,捍卫国家主权,推进法治国家建设目标的实现,是中国司法应当具有的特色.合理平衡和协调政治化的司法与技术化的司法、专业化的司法与大众化的司法、克制化的司法与能动化的司法,是打造司法的中国特色的重要路径.     

Marcuse's Criticism of Political Ideology and its Revelation

From the perspective of political philosophy, Marcuse's philosophy provides a new insight into the research of his theory. Marcuse's critical theory of his political ideology convincingly argues that the scientific technology, language, art and philosophy of the advanced industrial society has completely been alienated, which forms the society without negative dimension. This new perspective is a great inspiration to the construction of China's socialist culture and ethics and China's political philosophy.     

Living in the Past or Living in the Future? Analyzing Parties’ Platform Change In Between Elections,The Netherlands 1997–2014

Do parties change their platform in anticipation of electoral losses? Or do parties respond to experienced losses at the previous election? These questions relate to two mechanisms to align public opinion with party platforms: (1) rational anticipation, and (2) electoral performance. While extant work empirically tested, and found support for, the latter mechanism, the effect of rational anticipation has not been put to an empirical test yet. We contribute to the literature on party platform change by theorizing and assessing how party performance motivates parties to change their platform in-between elections. We built a new and unique dataset of >20,000 press releases issued by 15 Dutch national political parties that were in parliament between 1997 and 2014. Utilizing automated text analysis (topic modeling) to measure parties’ platform change, we show that electoral defeat motivates party platform change in-between elections. In line with existing findings, we demonstrate that parties are backward-looking.     

‘The dead are coming’: acts of citizenship at Europe’s borders

This article combines the research agenda of the acts of citizenship literature with reflections on emancipatory theatre. I examine the Centre for Political Beauty’s activity-based artwork ‘The dead are coming’ which problematizes the cruelties of the European border regime in symbolically charged spaces in the German public. Focusing particularly on the roles available to ‘actors’ and ‘spectators’, and the directionality of the message conveyed through the artwork, I examine how the performance subverts the ‘sites’ and ‘scales’ of citizenship. My analysis indicates that the artwork’s subversive potential emerges not only from the political vision conveyed by the artist collective, but also from the way in which others become involved in the performance. Acts of political beauty thus most extensively challenge instituted citizenship’s orientalist anchoring, reverse status-based role allocations and subvert the structural violence of borders when the performance enables the enactment of novel forms of political agency and solidarity.     

Changing Owners,Changing Content: Does Who Owns the News Matter for the News?

The press is essential for creating an informed citizenry, but its existence depends on attracting and maintaining an audience. It is unclear whether supply-side effects—including those dictated by the owners of the media—influence how the media cover politics, yet this question is essential given their abilities to set the agenda and frame issues that are covered. We examine how ownership influences media behavior by investigating the impact of Rupert Murdoch’s purchase of the Wall Street Journal (WSJ) in August 2007. We collect data on every front-page story and editorial for 27 months, and we compare the difference in political coverage between the New York Times (NYT) and WSJ using a difference-in-differences design. We show that the amount of political content in the opinion pages of the two papers were unchanged by the sale, but the WSJ’s front-page coverage of politics increased markedly relative to the NYT. Similar patterns emerge when comparing the WSJ’s content to USA Today and the Washington Post. Our finding highlights potential limits to journalists’ ability to fulfill their supposed watchdog role in democracies without interference from owners in the boardroom.