孙子“择人而任劳”辨正

人们历来把《孙子兵法·势篇》最后一段“不责于人,故能择人,而任势”中的“人”释为“力战”或“兵众”、“指挥员”,把“择”释为“选择”,这是错误的。本文通过训释字义及考察孙子关于“众寡之用”的关系、兵员多寡优劣与力量强弱的关系,提出了“择人而任势”是指撇除兵员数量多寡这个因素去使用“势”的新观点。     

WTO规则下我国竞争法的调适与发展

竞争法律制度在一个国家经济发展中起着极为重要的作用,素有“经济宪法”之称。入世后,在知识经济和经济全球化的背景下,各种各样的不正当竞争行为、限制竞争行为以及垄断行为对我国经济的健康发展带来了愈来愈严峻的挑战,完善与发展我国竞争法律制度已经成为全社会共同关注的课题。本文立足我国具体国情,从立法层面和具体法律制度层面上提出了我国竞争法律制度的“适世”和发展策略。     

From Sancitity to Screening: Genetic Disabilities, Risk and Rhetorical Strategies in Wrongful Birth and Wrongful Conception Cases

This analysis scrutinises the rhetorical strategies used by judges in wrongful life and wrongful birth actions as evidence for the assertion that the judicial reading of public policy in such cases has undergone a significant shift which is likely to accelerate as genetic knowledge grows and health care resources shrink. The implications of the predicted move towards increased genetic testing of prospective parents are traversed in relation to feminist analyses of the impact of genetics on reproductive technology. These are viewed as forming a nexus with the current social constructions of disability and the contemporary cultural preoccupation with risk, in a context of the increasing commercial importance of genetic information. It is argued that women cannot make free and informed choices about genetic testing and pregnancy unless legal and social mechanisms which protect those choices are in place. This revised version was published online in August 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date.     

从微观行为视角看中国政府间纵向关系

改革开放以来,中国上下级政府间互动模式发生了一定的改变,其主要原因在于制度环境的变迁。当前,上下级政府间互动模式具有一定的积极影响,但也存在个人化色彩较重、部分规范性文件法理权威不足、决策执行效率低等问题。因此,完善法制和加强人大的地位,有助于解决目前存在的问题,引导上下级政府间向互动良性发展。     

城中村改造中房屋产权的认定——从利益关系的角度解读

城中村改造涉及众多的利益主体关系,其中房屋作为一项重要的不动产,其归属与利用的确定对城中村村民以及整个社会都有积极的重要意义.对城中村改造中的住房必须予以合理的确权.     

Positive Resolution of Childhood Sexual Abuse Experiences: The Role of Coping,Benefit-Finding and Meaning-Making

Resolution of the trauma of childhood sexual abuse (CSA), and the current adjustment of 60 adult female CSA survivors were explored through qualitative and quantitative analyses of their coping strategies, perceived benefits, and meaning-making attempts. While the majority of the women (87%) perceived at least some benefit resulting from coping with the CSA experience, many (29%) found it impossible to make any meaning of their trauma. Specific benefits that were associated with various aspects of positive adjustment (marital satisfaction, better physical health, less isolation) included improved relationships with others, religious or spiritual growth, and improved parenting skills. Some perceived benefits were actually associated with a negative outcome. Increased knowledge of sexual abuse was associated with more isolation and lower marital satisfaction. When positive meaning could be derived from the coping process, the women reported less isolation. Avoidant coping was strongly associated with more depressive symptoms and poorer resolution of abuse issues. Results highlight the importance of considering coping strategies and cognitive restructuring efforts in designing therapeutic interventions with this population. Portions of this paper were presented at the annual meeting of the Midwest Psychological Association, May 2004, Chicago, IL.     

关于高效率课堂教学策略的探讨

课堂教学效率的高低直接影响着高校的教学质量,因此必须结合教学实际,采取多种教学策略,以达到提高教学质量之目的.     

以科学发展观为指导，推进高校学生社团科学发展

科学发展观是发展观演化的新阶段和新高度，以科学发展观为指导，对实现学生社团的全面、协调、可持续发展具有重要意义。文章阐述了学生社团科学发展“以人为本”的内涵及其五大基本特征，提出了推动学生社团科学发展的策略。     

因事成制：关于中国新闻法制建设的思考

在我国，新世纪以来几件为公众周知的事件促生了一些人所称道的法规和案例。“因事成制”的思维和路径契合我国文化传统，是“因势成事”的具体表现。“因事成制”可以创新制度，也可以进行法律移植。“因事成制”有其存在的现实必要性和可能性，既体现了政治家使新闻传播权利“软着陆”的智慧，又有着深厚的法学理据，论题学法学、伯克利学派，以及哈耶克的有关理论等皆可使其得以证立。“因事”包括“借事”与“造事”，新闻法制变革借事成制已有，而造事未见。     

Two strategies for building a personal vote: Personalized representation in the UK and Denmark

Across parliamentary democracies, elected representatives constitute the link between citizens and government. MPs can connect with voters via the party label, or through personalized forms of representation, which is seen to be increasing in importance. However, scholars disagree on what explains variation in MPs' use of personalized representation strategies. In this article, we argue that politicians use different strategies to personalize the link between themselves and citizens: a constituency-oriented and a person-oriented strategy. To test our argument, we develop a new and novel dataset with behavioral measures of personalized representation. Using a content analyses of 698 British and Danish MPs’ personal websites, we demonstrate that the use of personalization strategies is conditional on the incentives MPs face in terms of electoral insecurity, candidate selection procedures, and the electoral context of the system. Our findings show that the level and type of personalized politics vary across political systems and may pose different types of challenges to party democracies.