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991.
The relevance of videogames in the contemporary cultural ecosystem and their social impact make it necessary to develop theories and analytical models to understand the expressive potential of videogame design, and how videogames work as texts, giving shape to certain values, behavioural patterns and ideological visions. To do so, it is crucial to build a bridge between game studies and contemporary semiotics. Thus, with this aim, we present in this paper an analysis model for studying videogames as texts that combines theoretical and methodological elements from social semiotics and procedural rhetorics, a specific branch of game studies. Our model is based on four levels: the narrative, ludo-narrative, system-gameplay and designer-player dimensions. As a case study, the model is applied to the videogame The Last of Us. 相似文献
992.
Aaron S. Veenstra Benjamin A. Lyons İ. Alev Degim Flannagan 《Journal of Political Marketing》2017,16(3-4):365-385
The hostile media effect (HME) has generally been tested in terms of in-groups and out-groups, with a “neutral” story in between. This ignores the nature of many social groups as comprising subgroups, often but not always sharing feelings of connectedness and purpose. In cases when bounded subgroups are at odds with one another, HME provides little guidance. A contested partisan primary provides such a case. This study takes identity centrality, candidate favorability, and perceived social network homogeneity as measures of partisanship and involvement, hypothesizing relationships between each and perceived bias against one’s candidate and party. Findings show that markers of candidate-focused social identity predict greater perceived bias against one’s candidate during the 2016 primary season, while party-focused identity fails to predict perceived bias against one’s party. This suggests that candidate support identity overrides plain partisanship during primaries, supporting concern that a heated primary might damage general election party unity. Subsequent postconvention findings suggest that the salience of candidate-focused identity fades, while homogeneity of one’s network regarding party support helps to make perceived hostility toward one’s party identity more salient. However, as campaigns become more candidate-centered, the contestation between nested candidate and party identities may grow fiercer. 相似文献
993.
This article focuses on forms of opposition to ‘othering’ and far-right politics in present-day Greece. This opposition takes a variety of forms, comes from a range of actors, and is motivated by a number of concerns with differing assessments of what should be done. More specifically, the article focuses on the far right in Greece and discrimination, hate speech, and hate crime against the ‘other’ from the perspectives of those who are active in mobilizing against racism and counteracting the country’s populist and neo-nationalist turn. Concentrating on the forces opposing discrimination, the analysis describes present-day social movements and actions from grassroots to governmental level, their strategies and politics, their diversity of thought and action, and their contribution in providing the resources for social change, and the production of new meaning in the context of anti-racism in Greece. Trying to provide answers as to how social movements and activists produce meaning, we argue that activists develop less intentional, inadvertent meanings which emerge in the course of the not-always conscious schemas of their struggle. This calls for a more dynamic explanation of the relationship between practice and meaning-making in social movement contexts. 相似文献
994.
John Denham 《The Political quarterly》2017,88(1):97-105
The need to hold capital to account and to bend markets to the common good is as powerful as ever, yet it is becoming steadily harder to create an electoral or political majority for such an idea in societies that are fractured and divided. The fundamental bond between voters and parties depends on political identity relationships; old ones are fading, new ones need to be created. The most dynamic politics in advanced capitalist societies are those of nation, people and place. The strategic challenge for the left is to create a new progressive patriotism that can embed radical ideas in a common sense of national purpose. 相似文献
995.
张亚军 《中华女子学院山东分院学报》2011,(2)
在我国,"剩女"问题作为一个现实的新型社会问题已越来越引起大家的关注.要解决"剩女"问题,第一,应摒弃传统婚恋观,树立正确的婚恋观;第二,社会各界要积极行动,通力合作,提供更多的公益性婚恋平台;第三,"剩女"们应不断解放思想,放宽择偶眼界,降低择偶的物质和利益标准. 相似文献
996.
黄丹 《浙江青年专修学院学报》2011,29(1):47-49
女大学生就业性别歧视现象广泛存在,并对诸多方面都产生了消极影响。女大学生就业性别歧视的根源在于用人单位节约成本和提高效益的需求与女大学生满足这种需求的能力相对较弱之间的矛盾,也与传统性别文化观念的影响以及法律保障不力等息息相关。国家应采用经济调节手段消除二者之间的矛盾,同时广泛宣传马克思主义妇女观,强化男女平等意识,并完善相应的法律法规。 相似文献
997.
农村冲突的发生源于基层治理过程中出现的种种问题,当基层政府的治理能力弱化,无力向农民提供公共服务,或者由于与资本相结合,出现"逐利"行为,直接侵害农民利益时,都有可能导致矛盾的发生和冲突的激化。要实现基层的"良治",需要通过基层政府部门的职能转化、上下级之间财权、事权不对等现象的重新调整、基层干部的评价方式变化,以及乡村债务的化解等方式,促使基层政府真正做到为人民服务,从而构建起真正有利社会稳定的农村冲突化解机制。 相似文献
998.
张传伟 《河南司法警官职业学院学报》2011,9(1):38-41
我国社区矫正工作人员的构成应采用"1+X"模式.在"1+X"模式下,"1"指矫正官,是专职从事社区矫正工作的国家公务员,主要从事社区矫正过程的刑罚执行、行政管理等工作."X"指除矫正官以外的工作人员,包括司法社工、社区矫正志愿者等,应由社会组织担任,主要从事社区矫正过程中的服务性工作. 相似文献
999.
肖文波 《福建公安高等专科学校学报》2011,(1):56-60
现阶段中国国情不适合采用"零容忍"的警务政策,和谐社会建设需要公安机关"适度容忍","适度容忍"应当成为现阶段社会主义法治理念的重要内容。因此,公安机关的"适度容忍"必须遵循的基本原则是:实事求是、顾全大局、平和理性、灵活用法。 相似文献
1000.
黄翠翠 《中华女子学院山东分院学报》2011,(5)
以苏北S村为例对农村留守妇女上班族的时间配置、社会支持网络、社会身份认同等方面进行的调查发现,农村留守妇女上班族在时间配置上,工作和家务劳动占据了主要部分,闲暇时间她们的生活较为丰富;留守妇女上班族的社会支持网中,同事和工作中认识的留守妇女为她们提供了情感支持和信息支持,在工具性支持上,她们和一般农村留守妇女没有差别;留守妇女上班族对社会身份的认同是通过经济独立、家庭地位提高等维持的;留守妇女上班族在工作获得途径、安全保障和工作保障方面面临困境。 相似文献