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41.
以毛泽东为代表的第一代共产党人通过新民主主义革命 ,为实现现代化提供了崭新的制度前提和实现途径 ,对社会主义制度下如何依法治国 ,发展社会主义民主 ,进行了初步探索 ;在总结经验的基础上 ,以邓小平同志为代表的第二代中央领导集体 ,在改革开放的伟大实践中 ,探索出一条以建立完备的法律体系为目标 ,以政法干部建设为保证 ,以法制教育普及为途径 ,以加强党的领导为核心的与民主紧密相联系的现代法制的新思路 ;以江泽民同志为核心的第三代中央领导集体 ,在实践中继承与发展了邓小平的依法治国思想 ,成为我们在新世纪实现依法治国、建设社会主义法制国家的指导思想。  相似文献   
42.
在全球化过程中,作为政治单位的民族国家的主权仍是世界政治的重心所系,尽管它不可避免地受到国际社会的影响.经济的全球化趋势推动着人类社会政治结构朝全球性方向演进,从而形成国际社会与民族国家在政治影响上的互动.各个民族国家都以积极的姿态参与到国际政治中去,全球性治理和超国家治理的组织正是由各个国家积极参与的结果.  相似文献   
43.
彭忠益  李奇 《桂海论丛》2005,21(2):31-34
政府合法性是政府存在、持续和发展的基础与前提,体现为社会和民众对政府、政治制度及其运行过程所构成的政治体系的自觉服从与认同。面对全球化与社会转型所带来的挑战,中国政府合法性基础正经历着考验。而新宪政论作为新兴的政治科学理论,对于政府合法性具有较透彻的解释力,并为政府合法性的维系与巩固提供了新的路径选择,即民主选举、有效政府、执政党能力建设。  相似文献   
44.
社会资本是倍受当今社会科学领域关注的热门概念和分析的重要起点。随着社会的不断发展,市场与国家已不能也无力承担起正义实现的全部内容,社会资本理论的兴起为正义实现问题的研究提供了新思路。丰富的社会资本能使公民自觉并自愿地服务于公共利益,促进社会调剂,以实现社会经济平等;提高公民道德自律,确保公民自由的实现;并使社会拥有大量社会信任与自组织网络,增强社会合作,实现社会正义。  相似文献   
45.
Five years after people took to the streets in protest at political organisation across the Middle East, the consequences of these actions remain. As the protests gained traction, states began to fragment and regimes sought to retain power, whatever the cost. While a great deal of focus has been upon what happened, very little attention has been paid to the role of agency within the context of the fragmenting sovereignty and political change. This article contributes to these debates by applying the work of Giorgio Agamben to the post-Arab Uprisings Middle East, to understand the relationship between rulers and ruled along with the fragmentation of the sovereign state. The article argues for the need to bring agency back into conceptual debates about sovereignty within the Middle East. It concludes by presenting a framework that offers an approach building upon Agamben’s bare life.  相似文献   
46.
47.
Ma Ngok 《当代亚洲杂志》2016,46(2):247-266
Extant Hong Kong studies have under-stated the corporatist nature of the Hong Kong state. From the 1980s, as part of its political strategy, the Chinese government had helped to build a corporatist state in Hong Kong that incorporated various sectoral elites, leading to a change in the role of the state after 1997. Through an empirical study of the behaviour of functional constituency legislators and policy outputs after 1997, this article shows that the functional constituencies as a corporatist structure introduced many sector-oriented demands. These sectoral representatives lobbied for favourable polices, increased representation for their sectors, and more state resources. This drove the post-1997 Hong Kong state to sectoral intervention, as resources were diverted to selected sectors, creating new legitimacy problems for the regime.  相似文献   
48.
How do authoritarian rulers legitimate repressive actions against their own citizens? Although most research depicts repression and legitimation as opposed strategies of political rule, justified coercion against some groups may generate legitimacy in the eyes of other parts of the population. Building upon this suggested link between legitimation and repression, this article studies the justifications of mass killings. To this end, framing theory is combined with recent research on the domestic and international dimensions of authoritarian rule. We contend that frames are directed towards specific audiences at home and abroad. Moreover, given the common threats at the global level and the diffusion of repressive tactics, we assume that learning processes influence discursive justifications of repression in authoritarian regimes. We provide an analysis of government rhetoric by comparing the protest crackdowns of Rabi’a ‘Adawiya Square in Egypt and Fergana Valley in Uzbekistan, taking into account the audiences and the sources of the frames that justify repression. In both cases, we find the terrorism frame to emerge as dominant.  相似文献   
49.
郝战红 《法学杂志》2012,33(2):133-136
我国正处于全面建设小康社会的关键时期,利益多元化与利益失衡现象并存。如何有效地回应社会需求,避免立法疏误,提高立法品质,增强立法的正当性是立法主体必须面对的问题。专家咨询制度具有多维面相,从政治民主的角度看是立法民主的表现,从科学决策的角度看是立法科学的保证,从法治的角度看是立法合法的要求,从公共治理的角度看是立法正当的期待。全面认识和把握专家咨询制度的多维面相,有助于充分发挥其在立法过程中的功能和作用。  相似文献   
50.
Mainstream economics conceptualizes wages as determined by market forces and reflecting productivity and investments in human capital made by individuals. These views, which have become taken-for-granted explanations of what wages are, hide the underlying dynamics of the gender pay gap and place responsibility on individuals instead of gendered social structures. This article proposes viewing gender pay inequity through a sociological lens, which implies acknowledging the complex societal dynamics and roles of institutions and actors in shaping wages. The Nordic welfare states are often considered women-friendly, providing female citizens with social policies and services that have enabled their extensive participation in paid employment. Simultaneously, the Finnish welfare state has relied heavily on inexpensive labour provided by women, thus actively contributing to the formation of a secondary female-dominated labour market. The secondary status of reproductive work conducted within the public sector has been further strengthened and institutionalized by the Finnish corporatist system via collective agreements. In policy-making, the central actors defend their vested interests through non-decision-making, limiting the scope of decision-making to non-threatening issues. This article discusses the dynamics of the Finnish corporatist regime, welfare-state employment, and the impact of both on gender pay equity in Finnish society.  相似文献   
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