全文获取类型
收费全文 | 909篇 |
免费 | 6篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 79篇 |
工人农民 | 14篇 |
世界政治 | 39篇 |
外交国际关系 | 97篇 |
法律 | 123篇 |
中国共产党 | 10篇 |
中国政治 | 43篇 |
政治理论 | 154篇 |
综合类 | 356篇 |
出版年
2025年 | 3篇 |
2024年 | 3篇 |
2023年 | 6篇 |
2022年 | 9篇 |
2021年 | 12篇 |
2020年 | 26篇 |
2019年 | 20篇 |
2018年 | 26篇 |
2017年 | 23篇 |
2016年 | 10篇 |
2015年 | 15篇 |
2014年 | 47篇 |
2013年 | 123篇 |
2012年 | 67篇 |
2011年 | 72篇 |
2010年 | 77篇 |
2009年 | 91篇 |
2008年 | 63篇 |
2007年 | 49篇 |
2006年 | 55篇 |
2005年 | 42篇 |
2004年 | 23篇 |
2003年 | 24篇 |
2002年 | 17篇 |
2001年 | 8篇 |
2000年 | 4篇 |
排序方式: 共有915条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
11.
12.
Herman Joseph S. Kraft 《The Pacific Review》2013,26(3):453-472
In April 1999, ASEAN formally admitted Cambodia thereby completing its declared goal of grouping together all ten Southeast Asian countries under its umbrella. This was the culminating event in the latest phase of ASEAN's enlargement. This process, however, had been problematic from the start. The entry of Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar and Vietnam without any clear criteria for admission has raised questions regarding the preparedness of these countries to participate in ASEAN. More importantly, it led to strains in ASEAN's relations with its dialogue partners over the legitimacy of some of the governments in power in these countries. The was further complicated by the economic upheaval caused by the financial crisis which struck Southeast Asia in 1997. The impact of these events on ASEAN has put into question the association's growing role as a leading player in Asia-Pacific affairs. More importantly, it has raised issues which are central to ASEAN's continued existence. 相似文献
13.
Xiaoke Zhang 《The Pacific Review》2013,26(3):409-442
pragmatic and long-term approach to financial market reform, with greater sensitivity to political risks and constraints. 相似文献
14.
Paul R. Brewer 《政治交往》2013,30(3):303-316
This study examines the effects of framing on how citizens use value language to explain their views on political issues. An experiment simulated exposure to framing in media coverage of gay rights. The results show that participants who received an \"equality\" frame were particularly likely to explain their views on gay rights in terms of equality and that participants who received a \"morality\" frame were particularly likely to cast their opinions in the language of morality. A closer examination, however, showed that exposure to the frames encouraged participants to use value language not only in ways suggested by the frames but also in ways that challenged the frames. Moreover, the results indicated that exposure to the \"morality\" frame interfered with the impact of the \"equality\" frame, suggesting that the presence of alternative frames can dampen framing effects. 相似文献
15.
Shanto Iyengar 《政治交往》2013,30(2):225-229
Formal journalism ethics, as laid out in codes of ethics by journalism associations and the like, is part of a wider debate on media ethics that has been triggered in the Middle East due to the advent of global media in the region. This study compares journalism codes from Europe and the Islamic world in order to revisit the widespread academic assumption of a deep divide between Western and Oriental philosophies of journalism that has played a role in many debates on political communication in the area. The analysis shows that there is a broad intercultural consensus that standards of truth and objectivity should be central values of journalism. Norms protecting the private sphere are, in fact, more pronounced in countries of the Near and Middle East, North Africa, and in the majority of Muslim states in Asia than is generally the case in Europe, although the weighing of privacy protection against the public's right to information is today a component of most journalistic codes of behavior in Islamic countries. Obvious differences between the West and many Islamic countries are to be found in the status accorded to freedom of expression. Although ideas of freedom have entered formal media ethics in the Middle East and the Islamic world, only a minority of documents limit the interference into freedom to cases where other fundamental rights (e.g., privacy) are touched, whereas the majority would have journalists accept political, national, religious, or cultural boundaries to their work. Despite existing differences between Western and Middle Eastern/Islamic journalism ethics and in contrast to the overall neoconservative (Islamist) trends in societal norms, formal journalism ethics has been a sphere of growing universalization throughout the last decades. 相似文献
16.
17.
18.
Fear of crime is a subject that is described increasingly often in the daily press. In spite of this, very few studies have examined how the press describes fear of crime. This article focuses on how fear of crime is presented, in what context, and who is labelled as fearful in the Swedish daily press. The theoretical frameworks are theories about the risk society and how fear of crime can be understood in a society characterized by risk, uncertainty, and worry. The current study analyses articles from four national daily newspapers employing a qualitative, thematic content analysis. In the analysis, four principal themes were distinguished: fear of crime defined, fear of crime personified, fear of crime situationalized, and fear of crime contextualized. The articles examined describe an increasingly unsafe society characterized by rising crime, particularly in the suburbs, which is producing fear among women and children. Male police officers are also described as being afraid and as no longer being able to protect the public. The daily press establishes clearly who should be afraid of crime, which crimes produce fear, and where and why people are afraid. The articles formulate special ways of describing fear of crime, in which fear appears as a natural and expected reaction to life in an increasingly unsafe and violent society. 相似文献
19.
Kate Cook 《Journal of Sexual Aggression》2013,19(3):250-262
Abstract This paper evaluates the Stern Review of rape in the context of public responses to rape, in England and Wales. The piece is based on an anti-rape feminist approach and so weighs a woman-centred approach to rape responses against the mainstream justice model. Overall, the argument made is that nothing much is really changing in public responses to rape. The work outlines problems with the Stern contention that the conviction rates for rape need to be calculated differently, and takes issue with the claim that the “policies are right”. Stern's call for greater support for women who have been raped is welcomed, but the effectiveness of the review process itself is questioned. These discussions illustrate the process of attrition as it is variously understood by feminists and by Baroness Stern. It is suggested that reviews themselves may be little more than a dampener, brought in when claims for change create a need to be seen to be doing something. A preferred alternative might be some form of ongoing body, reviewing and challenging practice and policy; however, it is recognised that this could be difficult to achieve amid the current spending cuts. The paper then turns to evaluate trends in support for survivors and notes that the more “professional” models of the Sexual Assault Referral Centre and the Independent Sexual Violence Advisers have held sway for some time. However, under the new coalition, government funding is also being directed towards women-only Rape Crisis centres, and this move is warmly welcomed here. The work concludes that much does indeed remain the same, despite positive signs in terms of respect for this survivor-centred model. 相似文献
20.
BJÖRN DRESSEL 《Politics & Policy》2010,38(3):445-469
At the beginning of the twenty-first century, Thailand once again suffered political instability. This article argues that the reason for this renewed instability is found in contesting notions of political legitimacy. At one end of the spectrum is the traditional conception of a stratified paternal-authoritarian state where power emanates from the king and his networks—a view closely associated with the trinitarian state ideology of “nation, religion, king.” At the other is a much younger and weaker, yet still sturdy, opposing tradition of claiming popular sovereignty, constitutionalism, and performance as an alternative basis of legitimacy. Whether and how Thailand is able to resolve the inherent tension over these conflicting notions of legitimacy is thus critical not only for its return to stability but also for the type of political order likely to emerge in the future. Al inicio del siglo veintiuno Tailandia una vez más sufre de inestabilidad política. Este artículo sostiene que la razón de esta renovada inestabilidad se encuentra en nociones contendientes de la legitimidad política. Por una parte se encuentra la concepción tradicional de un estado paternalista-autoritario estratificado en el cual el poder emana del rey y sus redes de influencia—una consideración estrechamente asociada con la ideología del estado trinitario de “nación, religión, rey.” Por la otra está una más joven y débil, aunque viable, tradición opuesta que señala a la soberanía popular, el constitucionalismo y el buen desempeño del gobierno como las bases alternativas de la legitimidad. Se concluye que resolver la tensión inherente alrededor de estas nociones en conflicto de legitimidad es crucial no sólo para que Tailandia retorne a la estabilidad sino también para que pueda configurarse un nuevo tipo de orden político en el futuro. 相似文献