The Coalition and the Politics of the English Question

For much of the 2010–15 Parliament the English Question was not a conspicuous feature of political debate in the UK. However, the issue of English votes for English laws (EvfEl) was thrust to centre stage by Prime Minister David Cameron in the aftermath of the Scottish independence referendum, when he announced that fulfilment of the promise of further devolution to Scotland must be accompanied by an answer to the West Lothian Question at Westminster. This article analyses these events and explores their possible consequences. It argues that a reform of parliamentary procedures along the lines outlined in the report of the McKay Commission looks increasingly likely, but that this will not mark a resolution of the broader English Question, and the future of the Union remains in doubt.     

论"入世"后的西部教育

中国教育随着中国经济的发展 ,开始融入世界经济的大潮中。世界教育的发展趋势 ,将是我国教育接轨的方向。西部经济、教育发展相对滞后 ,但面对国内外的市场竞争将无法回避 ,优胜劣汰是所有市场经济的法则。西部经济的发展 ,必须有大量人力资源的支持 ,西部教育的发展 ,必须以培养人才和留住更多的人才为目的。“入世”之后 ,需要遵循我国对WTO的所有承诺 ,西部 12个省市的教育作为中国教育的一部分 ,也必然融入世界教育之中     

西方公共决策程序比较

从西方政府的职能来看 ,西方公共决策可以分为常规决策和危机决策两大类 ,其中常规决策又可以分为行政决策和参与立法的决策两种。比较分析西方各国公共决策程序的特点 ,有两个方面的做法值得我们借鉴 :其一 ,注意发挥咨询机构的作用 ;其二 ,注意对政策方案的合法性审查     

西方国家政体及其权力制约

政治体制是一定社会的基本政治制度的具体表现形式的总和。其核心内容是政治权力的分配与制约。西方国家的政体可谓纷繁复杂,但总起来讲,比较有代表性的就是英、美、法、德、日等西方发达国家的政体,它们可以按照不同的标准划分为不同类型,而认识这些类型并通过分析比较确定其异同和利弊,找到其存在的合理性与天然缺陷,可以帮助我们正确认识并加以借鉴。     

中西法律信仰差异探源

对法律的信仰是西方法治主义的重要传统和内容 ,而中国缺乏这种普遍法律信仰的传统 ,这是有其历史渊源的。法律不可能同人的精神相脱离 ,法治契合人类的精神需要。因此 ,在中国法治现代化进程中 ,应培育民众对法律的普遍信仰     

内涵式发展与边际式变革--以传统市场为中心的中西比较

明清经济在日趋成熟的、既有市场体系与制度框架内呈现为内涵式发展,虽然巨大的全国统一市场产生的经济推动力,推动了地权市场的发育,促进了生产要素组合与资源配置,带来规模效益、生产效率与经济活力,但也导致了当时内部或外部的变革诱因与异质因素难以生长,而且在近代改变这一制度时要付出极高的成本;同时期的西欧则由制度非均衡引发持续变革,内部市场的割据使各国致力于海外市场的开拓,在各国间的制度竞争中,新的质素与机制破土而出.     

The theme of indivisibility in the post-war struggle against prejudice in the United States

Whitfield's essay seeks to identify and explain a tendency that emerged in the United States in the 1940s and extended through the 1950s. It was then that a notion became commonplace, especially among liberals, that the victims of prejudice were interchangeable and that bigotry was undifferentiated. Before the 1940s, the problem of prejudice was not widely believed to be urgent; but the war against the Third Reich heightened awareness of the price of an irrational hostility to minorities. American liberals in particular came to the understanding that bigotry was indivisible; and, for its objects, the cards of identity could easily be shuffled. Whether the victims were Jews or Negroes or homosexuals, the hatred that they elicited appeared to be formed without making any distinctions among them. Evidence can be found in the culture of those two decades, in novels, plays and films. The unitary view of the character of prejudice had some support in social science, including in the authoritative volume The Authoritarian Personality. The theory would also be reflected in a major shift in the agenda of Jewish civil rights organizations, which redefined their mission as promoting the democratic rights of all minorities rather than the particular interests of American Jews. This distinctive tendency vanished in the 1960s, however. One reason for the change was a fuller appreciation of the hostility that minorities could harbour towards other minorities. The realization also deepened of the singular vulnerability of black Americans under the pressure of racism, which demonstrated a tenacity as well as a proclivity for violence that had been largely absent from other forms of bigotry. Finally, a broader legitimation of difference itself emerged in the 1960s to bury the notion that minorities were fungible.     

Is Unilateralism Always Bad? Negotiation Lessons from Israel's “Unilateral” Gaza Withdrawal

Using the 2005 unilateral Israeli withdrawal from Gaza as a case study, this article exposes an apparent paradox: circumstances may exist in which an outcome that serves the interests of parties to a conflict cannot be achieved through bilateral negotiation but can be achieved by unilateral action. Although the withdrawal was seen at the time as serving the interests of both the Israeli government and the Palestinians, we argue that the same result could not have been achieved through bilateral negotiations. “Behind‐the‐table” internal conflicts on each side would have made it impossible for the leaders to agree on the scope of these negotiations. Prime Minister Ariel Sharon's success in implementing his Gaza withdrawal was attributable in significant measure to his ability to maintain ambiguity about his long‐run plans for the West Bank. Only by focusing attention on Gaza was he able to build the necessary coalition to implement the controversial move. The Palestinian leaders, on the other hand, could never have agreed to come to the table to negotiate about Gaza alone — they would have insisted that the scope of any negotiations address a broad range of final status issues. In this article, we identify some of the lessons that the Gaza example teaches regarding the utility and limits of unilateralism as well as the benefits and potential costs of employing ambiguity as a strategy to help accomplish a controversial move. Finally, we also explore the aftermath of the withdrawal and its many missed opportunities for improving the outcome. We suggest that, even when acting unilaterally, leaders should carefully consider the probable impact of their actions on the internal conflicts of their adversaries.     

Squaring the Palestinian triangle

Abstract

The 10 options offered so far to resolve the Palestinian conundrum have proved vain. New thinking that combines Palestinian self‐determination rights with Israel's security needs is necessary. The proposed solution rests on the following: (1) mutal acceptance of self‐determination for the Palestinians and the Jewish people, (2) mutual recognition of PLO and Zionism, (3) partition of Greater Palestine between Israelis and Palestinians, and (4) separation between sovereignty over territory and personal status of inhabitants.     

Health,Poverty and Service Use Among Older West Indian Women in Greater Hartford

SUMMARY

This study brings to light the phenomenon of aging in the West Indian migrant community in the United States. It presents the results of a cross-sectional exploratory survey of 107 community-dwelling West Indian women aged 55 years and over living in the Greater Hartford region of Connecticut. The data analysis reveals positive self-reports of health and few limiting or disabling conditions. However, there is substantial income inequality, a negative relationship between age group and income and limited use of services among those women most likely to require them. The findings suggest that some of the qualities which contributed to West Indians becoming the “Black success model” in the U.S. may be counterproductive for successful aging. A community-based strategy for addressing these issues is outlined.