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61.
《美国兰哈姆法》第2条a款和我国《商标法》第10条第1款第8项在国际公约义务和惯例、立法目的、条文开放性上有相似之处,但在商标注册层面的表达自由和遵循公序良俗边界的认定上差异巨大。表达自由不应逾越遵循公序良俗的国际惯例和国内司法习惯,美国式的完全放开商标注册层面的表达自由不符合我国传统价值观下公众的合理预期。我国在适用"不良影响"条款时需要把握表达自由与遵循公序良俗二者的界限,避免过宽适用"不良影响"条款而吞噬表达自由的空间,应以本土性价值判断克制条款的适用。 相似文献
62.
Marcel Paret 《Citizenship Studies》2015,19(3-4):317-334
This article draws a parallel between the Apartheid regime in South Africa and the post-IRCA immigration regime in the USA. I argue that both regimes were organised around Apartheid Policing, which may be defined as a legal process consisting of three mutually reinforcing mechanisms: differentiation of migrants into non-citizen insiders with legal residence rights and non-citizen outsiders without them; stabilisation of migrants as permanent or long-term residents, enabling the growth of the migrant workforce; and marginalisation of migrants as politically vulnerable outsiders, including exploitation at work. But the two regimes were supported by different political and ideological apparatuses. While placing a disproportionate burden on Latino migrants, the post-IRCA immigration regime differed from the Apartheid regime in that it was not organised around an explicit racial hierarchy, and offered non-citizens a greater array of rights. As a result, Apartheid Policing under the post-IRCA immigration regime is potentially more politically sustainable. 相似文献
63.
AbstractExisting political theory, particularly which deals with justice and/or rights, has long assumed citizenship as a core concept. Noncitizenship, if it is considered at all, is generally defined merely as the negation or deprivation of citizenship. As such, it is difficult to examine successfully the status of noncitizens, obligations towards them, and the nature of their role in political systems. This article addresses this critical gap by defining the theoretical problem that noncitizenship presents and demonstrating why it is an urgent concern. It surveys the contributions to the special issue for which the article is an introduction, drawing on cross-cutting themes and debates to highlight the importance of theorising noncitizenship due to both the problematic gap that exists in the theoretical literature, and the real world problems created as a result of noncitizenship which are not currently successfully addressed. Finally, the article discusses key future directions for the theorisation of noncitizenship. 相似文献
64.
Anne Thurston 《圆桌》2015,104(6):703-713
AbstractInternational attention to the benefits of openness for empowering citizens, strengthening economic performance and ending poverty has emphasised the importance of achieving accountability and transparency through freedom of information and open data. The ability to achieve openness depends upon the quality, completeness and accessibility of government records and data. However, chronic problems in managing this information in many Commonwealth countries, particularly in the digital environment, undermine the ability to achieve these goals. There is a critical need to develop and share solutions for managing this essential resource as a basis for digital governance across the Commonwealth, especially in relation to the post-2015 Sustainable Development Goals. 相似文献
65.
66.
法官在解释有争议合同条款时 ,是以“合理第三人”为标准的客观解释而得出的意思 ,如果这种意思被当事人所接受 ,也可以说是当事人的新的意思。也可能以“合理第三人”为标准而得出的意思因异于双方意思不被双方当事人所接受 ,但双方当事人又不愿意因错误而撤销合同 ,即愿意保持原来合同的有效性 ,法官就只能依被解释出的意思进行裁判。在法官对合同进行补充解释中 ,当事人因未约定缺漏内容 ,根本无所谓合意。因此 ,在补充解释中 ,如果说是当事人的意思 ,就显得更加牵强。在这种时候 ,当事人承担了一种根本不是源于其约定的权利义务 ,在这里已经从实际上消灭了当事人自治 ,而代之以以裁判为目的的“规范性意思”。那么 ,如果这种解释已经完全背离了当事人的意志 ,应当通过撤销制度来维护意思自治的完整性。 相似文献
67.
李笑黎 《辽宁公安司法管理干部学院学报》2006,(1):12-13
当生存要以丧失自由为前提,而自由则必须用牺牲生命为代价时,生命的价值是什么?当我们认同生命是一个过程时,那么生命在时间里的延续是不是尺度?而当这种延续是评价生命的尺度时,人与这世间的动物仍至所有的生物又有什么样的区别?本文通过安提戈涅的悲剧故事揭示了“生存与死亡”这一命题内所掩藏的一个巨大的吊诡, 并提出在人类自由中思想自由是最重要的观点。 相似文献
68.
宪政是自由主义发展的产物,是自由主义的制度化实现.宪政体制无论是在过去还是在现在事实上都是自由体制.宪政与自由有着密切的关联,宪政是自由的内在要求,自由是宪政的本质目的. 相似文献
69.
文学批评"人类学转向"取代"语言学转折"的困境在于如何寻求和体现文学的审美价值意义。事实上,审美本质探索与人类本质问询二者本来是统一的,传统的文学人类学批评审美性缺失的原因在于将"人类性"当作了"先验的存在",对人的本质力量的探索走向了抽象浮泛。将"人类性"看作是"历史的建构",阐发作品关于人类本质的独特言说,应是文学人类学批评的审美性路径。 相似文献
70.
Following a short-term burst of migration activity after the dissolution of the USSR, the current situation is marked by the unusually low population territorial mobility, defined by both the political and, increasingly, the socioeconomic factors. While this trend indicates some degree of minority accommodation, it also demonstrates the depth of economic crisis and increasing socioeconomic differentiation. Visible also is the disproportionate influence exercised by Russia on the formation of migration flows in the region. Remaining the major recipient of migrants, Russia increasingly plays a role of supplier of labor migrants to the West, and acts as a “bridge” for those attempting to reach Western Europe. Meanwhile, Russia still lacks an effective legislative base, institutional mechanisms, and political will for dealing with the new migration flows. 相似文献