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71.
Although many theories of psychopathy include reference to some form of emotional deficit, surprisingly little research has examined the relationships between psychopathic traits and important self-conscious moral emotions such as shame and guilt. The present study sought to examine these relationships in a sub-clinical sample, taking into account the important theoretical differences between the two emotions. Participants (N = 739) completed a measure of psychopathic traits and a measure of self-conscious affect style. Both primary and secondary psychopathic traits were found to be inversely related to guilt-proneness; however, the effect size was greater for primary psychopathic traits. Primary psychopathic traits were unrelated to shame-proneness, while secondary psychopathic traits were positively related to shame-proneness. Both primary and secondary traits were positively related to externalisation; however the effect size was greater for primary over secondary traits. The findings provide support for affective differences between psychopathy variants.  相似文献   
72.
This research considers how reference dependence impacts choice in a primary election. The normative advice is to weigh personal political preference against the greater ability of a more electable candidate to win the later general election. Here a behavioral view of primary elections is developed by adding reference dependence to a Hotelling model of political competition. The model details the impact of references on voter choice and generates recommendations as to the reference marketers for any candidate would like primary voters to employ. The advice to a more electable, that is, moderate, candidate is to encourage voters to compare the primary candidates to the extremes of the opposite party. A less electable candidate should encourage voters to compare the candidates to positions within their own party.  相似文献   
73.
Abstract

In this paper, we ask what sets of factors influence the timing and the content of presidential candidate press releases. Utilizing a unique data set, we examine the influence of internal campaign factors as well as external media factors on campaign information dissemination during the invisible primary season. We find that both types of factors may influence the timing of press releases; as to content, however, media norms are less likely to alter a candidate's general strategic message, which is dictated by his competitive status and national stature.  相似文献   
74.
During the 1970s and early 1980s Paraguay experienced relatively high rates of economic growth as well as a boom in primary goods production destined for export. The question which this research addresses concerns the relationship between these events and the applicability of the so-called export-led growth (ELG) hypothesis. The hypothesis is investigated via the use of modern time series methods including Granger causality tests, error correction modeling, and vector autoregression. The basic conclusion reached is that the ELG does not have much relevance to the Paraguayan case.  相似文献   
75.
Campaigns are an interactive process in which candidates, outside groups, the media, and voters communicate with each other to create an information environment that allows the various participants to construct meaning and form an understanding of the candidates and the campaign. Presidential primaries add a layer of complexity to this process as candidates and the press deal with both local and national audiences. In this article, we analyze the campaign communications in the 2000 Republican presidential primary in South Carolina—including candidate ads, mailings, and phone calls; local and national newspaper coverage; and network television coverage. We find that there was a disconnect as news media often focused on events and issues that diverged from the messages of the candidates' campaigns. In addition, we find substantial differences between local and national media coverage of the primary resulting from their distinct audiences and the reporters' own understanding of the local context that created significantly different information environments for voters in the state and those out of the state. We consider the implications of these findings for how voters and journalists understand the candidates as well as the challenges presidential candidates face in simultaneously campaigning locally and nationally.  相似文献   
76.
设计应对突发冲击的宏观调控预案应从设计合理、运行有效和检验与改进三个基本点出发。在静态预案和动态应对的权衡中使预案设计弹性化,手段选择合理化,坚持长期利益优先、直接调控和间接调控相结合;通过模拟演练、虚拟对照等方式检验和改进预案;在严密监控、多角度规划和责权明晰下保证预案的有效运行。  相似文献   
77.
米歇尔·福德汉姆是20世纪英国杰出的心理治疗家、后荣格学者中发展流派的主要创始人之一。他以荣格集体潜意识的心灵模型为基础开展临床实践和理论思考,借鉴了当代精神分析特别是克莱因的客体关系理论,填补了分析心理学的不足。在很大程度上使分析心理学淡化了其现代神话的色彩,而增添了很多现代科学的色彩。福德汉姆对分析心理学的理论和实践的发展,既有积极贡献,也存在一定局限。  相似文献   
78.
痕迹检验作为刑事案件侦破过程中的关键环节,主要是通过对刑事案件现场或者疑似现场进行与犯罪行为相关的痕迹物证的发现与提取,并借助相应的技术手段获取其中包含的重要信息,为案件侦破提供相应信息指引和佐证。随着痕迹检验理论和技术的丰富,近年来我国基层痕迹检验工作开展的效率和效果得到了明显的提升。但同时需要注意的是,现代化技术犯罪行为的增加以及罪犯反侦查技术的使用,使得基层痕迹检验工作面临的压力不断加大。因此,基层痕迹检验工作需要通过有效的创新加以推进,从而适应形势发展的要求。  相似文献   
79.
Utilizing quantitative and qualitative clinical service data collected at a Child Advocacy Center, the present study investigated whether caregiver history (history of childhood abuse or adult victimization, mental health treatment history) was associated with caregiver focus and attendance at a scheduled follow-up appointment. Results of mixed method analyses indicated that caregiver history of abuse was positively associated with caregivers being supportive/protective. Other than a history of prior service-related problems, our study did not identify any predictors of attendance at follow-up sessions. This and other findings are discussed in the context of engaging caregivers in child welfare services.  相似文献   
80.
Recent scholarship has argued that parties strategically support more moderate, and thus more electable, candidates. Using interviews with party elites and new data on the party support and the ideology of primary candidates for the US Senate, I show that parties do support moderate candidates. However, using evidence from districts with different levels of competitiveness and over time, I find that support of moderate candidates appears not to be strategic. Rather, party support of moderate candidates appears to be the result of the ideological preferences of party leadership rather a strategic effort to win elections.  相似文献   
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