Inequality and voting among deprived ethnic groups: evidence from India

ABSTRACT

What are the conditions that determine the electoral success of parties that champion deprived ethnic groups? What is the impact of within-group inequality on this outcome? Existing arguments focus on the role of institutions or the relationship between ethnicity and other social cleavages. This paper contributes to the second approach by studying the impact of within-group as well as between-group inequality on ethnic voting. We use elections to state legislatures within India to control for institutional and historical factors that may influence ethnic voting. Using data from the National Sample Survey, we calculate inequality in consumption expenditure. We show that high within-group economic inequality among deprived ethnic groups hinders the electoral success of parties that champion these groups, whereas high between-group economic inequality has the opposite effect. Our findings also identify a potential causal mechanism (preference heterogeneity) that might link within-group inequality to ethnic voting.     

Decolonising International Relations?

How do we ‘decolonise’ the field of International Relations? The aim to decolonise has become a widely discussed and mentioned subject across the social sciences and humanities. The article aims to discuss what 'decolonisation' might mean in the context of the field of International Relations.     

Do Voters Respond to Party Manifestos or to a Wider Information Environment? An Analysis of Mass‐Elite Linkages on European Integration

Recent studies analyze how citizens update their perceptions of parties’ left‐right positions in response to new political information. We extend this research to consider the issue of European integration, and we report theoretical and empirical analyses that citizens do not update their perceptions of parties’ positions in response to election manifestos, but that citizens’ perceptions of parties’ positions do track political experts’ perceptions of these positions, and, moreover, that it is party supporters who disproportionately perceive their preferred party's policy shifts. Given that experts plausibly consider a wide range of information, these findings imply that citizens weigh the wider informational environment when assessing parties’ positions. We also present evidence that citizens’ perceptions of party position shifts matter, in that they drive partisan sorting in the mass public.     

Improving psychosocial well-being of child laborers and young people who are engaged in low-income economic activities in Istanbul,Turkey

Child laborers are typically subjected to multiple and chronic traumatic experiences. With no parents or caregivers to act as a buffer zone against stressors, they grow up in chaotic and unpredictable work environments. Child laborers are more at risk of developing a range of psychological, emotional, and behavioral problems. The authors established an 8-month psychosocial support program for child laborers and young people attending a vocational training center one day a week. The authors found that anxiety and depression moderately correlated with negative self-concept, somatization, and hostility. Toward the end of the 8-month program, participants reported improved psychological and emotional well-being. The provision of a safe and mediated psychosocial program enhanced the emotional and mental well-being of vulnerable children and young people.     

COMMENTARY ON WARSHAK'S "BLANKET RESTRICTIONS: OVERNIGHT CONTACT BETWEEN PARENTS AND YOUNG CHILDREN"

In a previous issue of this journal, Richard A. Warshak provided a summary of the developmental literature as it bears on overnight restrictions during custody arrangements. Here, the authors comment on points of agreement and disagreement with Warshak based on their reading of the theoretical and empirical literature on development. Particular reference is made to Warshak's interpretation of attachment theory and research. Points of agreement include the importance of fathers and all caregivers in the infant/young child's life as well as the overstatement in the literature of the significance of separation experiences and a "sensitive period" for attachment. Points of clear disagreement include what the author contends is an erroneous review of the empirical literature on overnights with other caregivers. Based on their review of the data on overnight visitation, the authors conclude on a more cautious note.     

Community Regulation of Genetically Modified Organisms: a Difficult Relationship Between Law and Science

Abstract: The European Community legislator regulates the area of genetically modified organisms according to the precautionary principle, which implies keeping a distance from scientific results in decision-making. However, a positivist approach continues to exist within the same legislation. Paradoxically, this approach is promoted by the means of implementation of the precautionary principle. But to a large extent, it takes root in the context of the interpretation of the principle by the Community legislator, who attempts to eliminate disparities between the national legislations and to conform to World Trade Organization norms.     

Opposition party policy shifts in response to no‐confidence motions

No‐confidence motions (NCMs) are attempts by opposition parties to publicise the government's failings in a salient policy arena, and previous research has shown that they often negatively affect citizens' evaluations of governing parties' competence and damage their electoral prospects. Yet currently there is a lack of understanding of how opposition parties respond ideologically to these NCMs. It is argued in this article that opposition parties should distance themselves from the government challenged by NCMs to show that they are different from the incompetent government and to compete for the votes that the government is likely to lose. Using a sample of 19 advanced democracies from 1970–2007, empirical evidence is presented that NCMs encourage political parties to move their positions away from the government's position, especially in the presence of reinforcing negative signals about government performance. These results have important implications for our understanding of opposition party policy change, for the economic voting literature, and for the spatial and valence models of party competition.