全文获取类型
收费全文 | 2368篇 |
免费 | 98篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 121篇 |
工人农民 | 54篇 |
世界政治 | 84篇 |
外交国际关系 | 454篇 |
法律 | 1172篇 |
中国共产党 | 13篇 |
中国政治 | 111篇 |
政治理论 | 225篇 |
综合类 | 232篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 3篇 |
2023年 | 40篇 |
2022年 | 33篇 |
2021年 | 35篇 |
2020年 | 91篇 |
2019年 | 111篇 |
2018年 | 101篇 |
2017年 | 119篇 |
2016年 | 92篇 |
2015年 | 72篇 |
2014年 | 77篇 |
2013年 | 232篇 |
2012年 | 125篇 |
2011年 | 111篇 |
2010年 | 49篇 |
2009年 | 90篇 |
2008年 | 121篇 |
2007年 | 183篇 |
2006年 | 142篇 |
2005年 | 124篇 |
2004年 | 116篇 |
2003年 | 83篇 |
2002年 | 71篇 |
2001年 | 52篇 |
2000年 | 50篇 |
1999年 | 29篇 |
1998年 | 17篇 |
1997年 | 8篇 |
1996年 | 8篇 |
1995年 | 8篇 |
1994年 | 11篇 |
1993年 | 9篇 |
1992年 | 8篇 |
1991年 | 13篇 |
1990年 | 5篇 |
1989年 | 9篇 |
1988年 | 6篇 |
1987年 | 2篇 |
1986年 | 7篇 |
1985年 | 1篇 |
1984年 | 1篇 |
1979年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有2466条查询结果,搜索用时 109 毫秒
71.
The paper addresses an ingenious way by which Chinese netizens manage to reach their intended audiences under the radar of censors surveying the Internet in China. One specifically Chinese social use of language in this respect is the option to express criticism by using inoffensive characters that share the same or similar pronunciation with politically sensitive phrasing. We identify this type of expression as homophone phrase substitution (HPS). The device has been part of Chinese since ancient times under the name political metaphor. We address the main constraints at work in HPS, especially the role of voice (prosodic contour) that guides the construction of two divergent kinds of aboutness. Leaving aside its critical function in contemporary society, by contrasting HPS with verbal irony, metaphor, and Australian rhyming slang, and by drawing on semiologie and semiotics, indirect speech acts and implicit deixis, we suggest that this linguistic option throws new light on the semantic/pragmatic distinction. 相似文献
72.
Chris Ealham 《Labor History》2017,58(3):245-270
Revisionist historians and their Neo-Revisionist/conservative fellow travellers identify the Spanish left as the main cause of the civil war (1936–1939) that culminated in the establishment of the Franco dictatorship. Such claims are possible because these historians distort both the history of the left and the nature of social protest and mass mobilisation during these years. In part, the reliance of Neo-Revisionist/conservative historians on the methods of traditional political history – combined with their stubborn aversion to social history – makes it impossible for them to understand the left. This article argues that only through social history is it possible to comprehend the complex and shifting nature of protest dynamics in the 1930s. Indeed, many of the conflicts that played out in the political arena during these years were conditioned by structural economic problems and social tensions that resulted in diverse forms of radical contestation among the grassroots of leftist movements. Social, and indeed cultural history, are, therefore, central to any analysis of the myriad forms of these protest energies that flowed from the bottom up to shape the orientation of the leftist organisations. 相似文献
73.
我国自2002年起开始施行公益性岗位的政策,这一政策对拓宽就业渠道、缓解失业压力起到了一定的作用。但目前依靠政府进一步开发和购买公益性岗位的难度很大。本文对国内外公共服务供给机制转型进行了比较分析,在此基础上提出以下建议:我国应进一步完善公共服务的供给机制,以社区为平台,通过推动购买服务的方式,调动社会组织服务社区和吸收就业的功能,以推动公益性岗位的增加。 相似文献
74.
《Labor History》2012,53(5):482-502
ABSTRACTOn February 14, 2014, workers at Volkswagen’s new plant in Chattanooga, Tennessee, voted 712 to 626 against being represented by the United Automobile Workers of America (UAW). The result capped one of the most high-profile organizing campaigns of recent years, with most media accounts anticipating a UAW victory, especially as VW had declared that it would not oppose the union. The VW election is also now attracting scholarly interest, with accounts stressing the role of external opposition – especially from conservative politicians and lobby groups – along with the UAW’s over-reliance on partnerships with German actors. Providing a detailed analysis of the campaign, this article recognizes the importance of these factors, but also argues that an important role was played by the UAW’s strong association with the domestic automakers, and especially with Detroit, their historic base. Citing the fact that foreign automakers had expanded since the 1980s while the domestics had contracted, opponents effectively linked the UAW with economic decline. These arguments swayed many workers. Placing the VW story within the broader struggle of the UAW to organize a foreign-owned auto plant, the article also stresses structural obstacles, especially the location of Greenfield plants in areas of low union density. 相似文献
75.
张丽 《北京市工会干部学院学报》2012,(1):4-8
当前,乡镇(街道)工会已成为工会组织体系中承上启下的重要环节,加强乡镇(街道)工会建设,落实"组织起来、切实维权"工作方针,亟待解决"有人干事"和"有钱办事"等问题,按照工会规范化建设要求,明确乡镇(街道)总工会法律地位,增强基层工会活力,确保依法推动企业普遍建立工会组织,依法推动企业普遍开展工资集体协商,即"两个普遍"工作目标的实现。 相似文献
76.
崔晓玲 《山西青年管理干部学院学报》2012,25(1):27-28,32
企业团组织引导青年发展,应基于青年特点和企业的实际展开。企业团组织要发挥政治上引领青年、帮助青年成才、对青年的考核等方面的作用。企业团建工作要从健全组织机构、介入企业文化、推进组织创新、规范组织生活、开展青年养成教育等方面入手。 相似文献
77.
Lawful Interception (LI) of data communications is an essential tool for Law Enforcement Agencies (LEA) in order to investigate criminal activities carried out or coordinated by means of Internet. However, the ability to secretly monitor the activities of citizens also has a great impact on civil rights. Therefore, democratic societies must prevent abuse and ensure that LI is only employed in specific cases with justifiable grounds or a probable cause. Nowadays, in many countries each interception must be authorized by a wiretap warrant, usually issued by a judge. However, this wiretap warrant is merely an administrative document that should be checked by the network or service operator before enabling the monitoring of its customers, whose communications are later handed over to a LEA in plaintext. This paper proposes the idea of employing a Digital Wiretap Warrant (DWW), which further protects the civil liberties, security and privacy of LI by ensuring that monitoring devices can only be enabled with a valid DWW, and by encrypting the captured data so only the authorized LEA is able to decrypt those communications. Moreover, in the proposed DWW framework all digital evidence is securely time-stamped and signed, thus guaranteeing that it has not been tampered with, and that a proper chain of custody has been met. In particular this paper proposes how to apply the DWW concept to the lawful interception framework defined by the ETSI LI Technical Committee, and evaluates how the additional security mechanisms could impact the performance and storage costs of a LI platform. 相似文献
78.
后金融危机时代,各国为从金融危机中尽快复苏经济普遍加强了投资促进工作,国际投资促进机构运行呈现新特征。通过深入研究新特征,密切关注其走势及采取的积极应对措施。为进一步理顺我国投资促进体制机制、创新投资促进方式、推动扩大内需、提升投资服务质量、提高投资促进效益提供启示,深化我国投资促进工作,提升国际竞争力。 相似文献
79.
Paul Haskell Zernicke 《政治交往》2013,30(4):231-245
Traditional literature on the public dimensions of the American presidency suggests that the office has a significant impact upon the political lives of Americans and that contemporary presidents frequently appeal for public support to pressure other government elites. This study systematically analyzes rhetorical references to the presidency by examining a president's articulation of presidential roles in public speeches and press conferences. This study finds that Johnson, Nixon, and Carter did rhetorically refer to presidential roles, especially when confronted by crisis and controversy. The implication is that when confronted by serious controversy, presidents tell Americans about the responsibilities of the presidency in an effort to mobilize public support. 相似文献
80.
Colin Crouch 《The Political quarterly》2017,88(2):221-229
The three great Western political traditions (conservatism, liberalism, social democracy) incorporate three of the four possible combinations of the core political axes: traditional, unchanging authority versus the challenge of change, and egalitarianism versus inegalitarianism. The fourth possibility—egalitarian conservatism—has appeared in various guises, but has usually become submerged within the right, including its most authoritarian forms. Current xenophobic movements claiming to represent those suffering from excessive change—for example, those involved in the UK 's EU referendum and Donald Trump's victory in the USA —are seeing an apparent resurgence of this neglected tradition. What are its implications for politics in general? 相似文献