试析菲律宾出口导向型工业化发展战略

自 8 0年代中期起 ,菲律宾政府对经济发展模式进行调整 ,通过推行出口导向型工业化发展战略 ,经济运行环境从过去那种高封闭、高干预的状态向着一种较为开放、宽松的环境过渡 ,增长方式发生了显著变化 ,经济发展速度明显加快 ,摆脱了此前发展中存在的“增长 -衰退”不良循环状态 ,整体经济呈现出了较好的发展前景。     

Neoliberalism and state terrorism in the Philippines: the fingerprints of Phoenix

State terrorism is a form of terrorism which sometimes occurs when governments implement neoliberal policies lacking widespread support. From 2001 to 2010, the Philippines experienced a wave of assassinations implemented to destroy the infrastructure of the New People's Army, a Maoist group engaged in warfare against the state. These killings, reminiscent of the Phoenix Program in Vietnam, were initiated to eliminate the articulation of a counter-hegemonic project. In studying terrorism, it is essential to examine terrorism carried out by the states. Terrorism must not be confined to acts committed by non-state groups acting against the neoliberal order.     

“失信之地”——试论菲律宾综合土改

阿基诺总统启动的综合土改项目，是菲律宾历史上规模最大的改革，也是同期世界范围内最大的改革。综合土改不但覆盖地块规模广泛，而且预计受益人群也非常庞大。然而改革启动以来20多年，菲律宾农民的生活依然贫困。土改一定程度上缓解了土地分配不公的局面，但是土改的方式是保守的。滥觞于20世纪80年代的新自由主义政策思潮在综合土改中注入太多市场化元素，导致土改的重分性质越发微弱。“失信之地”是阿基诺对于前任土改的指责，然而同样适用于综合土改。     

当代菲律宾家族政治与女性权力政治参与的关系

当代菲律宾女性权力参与程度很高,而且有自己的特色,即不仅女议员、女总统、女部长比例较高,而且政治家的妻女也拥有较大权力,其女性权力参与可分为正式权力参与和非正式权力参与,两者都有合法的渠道和机制。菲律宾女性权力参与又与家族政治密切相关,在缺乏民主的威权时期,女性更多是以非正式的方式参与权力政治,主要起辅助、补充、配合的角色。在民主转型时代,民主选举加上家族政治,大大促进了政治家族的女性参与正式权力领域。但是,家族政治本身就是与民主政治相对立的,实际上,家族政治是菲律宾政治发展的一个毒瘤,阻碍了菲律宾民主政治的成熟,也降低了普通公民,尤其是普通妇女群体参与权力政治的可能性,最终阻碍了女性政治参与的进一步提升。     

PIRATES OF THE SOUTH CHINA SEAS

Piracy has been endemic in the South China and surrounding seas for centuries. There is a long history of piracy waxing and waning depending on the political and economic situation in the region. There have been differing levels of piracy on the South China Coast and the seas around the Philippines, Malaysia, and Indonesia. In the Sulu and Celebes Seas as well as off the coast of Aceh, there are examples of piracy used as a tactic by groups also engaged in terrorism. Piracy has periodically been suppressed by a strong naval power in the region. The growth and projection of Chinese naval power to control the South China Sea to the extent of the ‘nine dash line’ has suppressed piracy on the China Coast and in the South China Sea, but had limited impact on the Straits of Malacca and the seas around Borneo and Mindanao.     

菲律宾高等教育国际化的实践与利弊

近20年来,菲律宾积极参与高等教育国际化,包括招收国外留学生、鼓励学生出国留学或实习、与国外大学开展合作项目、积极参与国际学术交流等,积累了较丰富的经验.本文主要论述菲律宾高等教育国际化策略及实践,并指出其高等教育国际化的有利因素和不利因素.     

菲律宾的非政府组织

本文分析了菲律宾作为拥有全球第三大非政府组织(NGO)的发展中国家,其非政府组织的缘起、总体情况及其发展趋势,并认为目前菲律宾NGO对国家和地区政策的影响仍然不大,但通过市民社会与国家的互动,有可能在国家政治生活中发挥更大的作用并影响政治决策。     

中菲知识产权刑法立法比较研究

：菲律宾知识产权刑事立法采用混合型模式,有利于调节刑法典的稳定性与其对频繁变动的社会关系的适应性;罪名体系比较完整;原则上任何故意侵犯知识产权行为都构成犯罪,仅将犯罪目的作为个别侵犯知识产权犯罪的主观要素,并且该目的要素并非唯一的选项,相对而言比中国著作权犯罪“以营利为目的”的规定要宽松;行为方式可谓形式多样、种类丰富,而中国侵犯知识产权犯罪的行为方式则比较狭窄;虽然都规定了一定的刑事门槛,但中国规定的“违法所得数额”等情节设置不科学,不利于司法认定;两国侵犯知识产权犯罪的刑罚设置以短期自由刑为主,并设立罚金刑,有利于该类犯罪的惩治与预防,但在罚金数额的设定上,都需要借鉴限额罚金制与倍比罚金制相结合的方式。     

Regulatory mobilization and service delivery at the edge of the regulatory state

Where there is weak state capacity to carry out regulatory, redistributional, and developmental functions characterizing much of the developing world, the role of governance and service delivery is also performed by a myriad of private actors. Institutional reform in the utility sector in developing countries has often failed to distinguish between social and economic regulation. I show how private actors like NGOs and local community groups undertake what I term “regulatory mobilization” to influence the new rules of the service delivery game, as well as to deliver much‐needed basic services to urban poor communities. Based on extensive fieldwork carried out in the Philippines, this article reveals and explains the politics of the informal sector at the edge of the regulatory state. More than a decade since the privatization of the Metropolitan Waterworks and Sewerage System in Metro Manila in 1997, water access for the urban poor remained limited as privatized water utilities faced difficulties in extending service provision. In the context of an unpredictable regulatory landscape and an oligarchic patrimonial state, unexpected collective action by organized urban poor communities and NGOs has taken place around water as a subsistence right. Combining hybrid mobilizations to obtain water as well as influencing the rules governing their provision, these forms of regulatory mobilization appear to be peripheral and episodic. However, depending on how local and sectoral politics are conflated, such regulatory mobilization may sometimes not only result in obtaining subsistence goods, but may also occasionally project countervailing power in the policy sector, and influence formal regulatory frameworks in surprising ways.