全文获取类型
收费全文 | 540篇 |
免费 | 21篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 32篇 |
工人农民 | 41篇 |
世界政治 | 67篇 |
外交国际关系 | 39篇 |
法律 | 246篇 |
中国政治 | 4篇 |
政治理论 | 126篇 |
综合类 | 6篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 11篇 |
2022年 | 2篇 |
2021年 | 8篇 |
2020年 | 16篇 |
2019年 | 21篇 |
2018年 | 19篇 |
2017年 | 33篇 |
2016年 | 34篇 |
2015年 | 16篇 |
2014年 | 21篇 |
2013年 | 89篇 |
2012年 | 24篇 |
2011年 | 23篇 |
2010年 | 27篇 |
2009年 | 19篇 |
2008年 | 21篇 |
2007年 | 24篇 |
2006年 | 19篇 |
2005年 | 18篇 |
2004年 | 24篇 |
2003年 | 13篇 |
2002年 | 9篇 |
2001年 | 7篇 |
2000年 | 6篇 |
1999年 | 3篇 |
1998年 | 6篇 |
1995年 | 2篇 |
1994年 | 2篇 |
1993年 | 1篇 |
1992年 | 2篇 |
1991年 | 6篇 |
1990年 | 6篇 |
1989年 | 2篇 |
1988年 | 3篇 |
1986年 | 1篇 |
1985年 | 1篇 |
1984年 | 1篇 |
1983年 | 1篇 |
1982年 | 1篇 |
1981年 | 1篇 |
1980年 | 1篇 |
1979年 | 1篇 |
1978年 | 2篇 |
1977年 | 1篇 |
1975年 | 1篇 |
1974年 | 1篇 |
1973年 | 3篇 |
1970年 | 1篇 |
1969年 | 4篇 |
1968年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有561条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
91.
92.
Alex JenkinsAuthor Vitae 《Computer Law & Security Report》2009,25(3):280-284
The Bermudian Supreme Court (at first instance) recently ruled in Bermuda Restaurants Limited (t/a “Chopsticks”) v. Jonathan Daspin and ConvergEx Global Markets Ltd. (Civil Jurisdiction 2008: No. 134 (to be reported)) on the issue of whether an employer (here, a company) should be held liable for an allegedly libellous email publication by its employee, the managing director. The Judge was asked by the employer company to determine two issues of law which exposed the company and which centred on its vicarious liability for its employee's actions, including whether the use of the company's email system, during working hours, made it complicit in the publication. The Court held, applying principles of English and Canadian law, that the company was not vicariously liable and by extension that it was not the email's publisher. 相似文献
93.
94.
Self-reports on domestic violence inventories remain the basis of court and clinical decision-making and program outcome evaluations, but previous research questions their reliability and validity. Accurate prediction of underreporting would help practitioners and researchers adjust batterer and victim self-reports. We develop prediction equations of underreporting on the Conflict Tactics Scale, using a multi-site database of men admitted to batterer programs and their female partners (n = 840). First we use variables measured at program intake to predict female and male underreporting of male violence at program intake. Second, we use variables measured at program intake, as well as measures of program participation, to predict male-female disagreement (male underreporting) at 12-month follow-up. Several variables were predictive of underreporting, both at intake and follow-up, but overall prediction was marginally better than chance. The findings suggest that men and women underreport based on situational factors (such as relationship characteristics) and rational reasons, rather than based on personality traits or social desirability. However, the ability to predict underreporting is too weak for adjustment of self-reports by clinicians and program evaluators. 相似文献
95.
Alex Middleton 《The Political quarterly》2023,94(2):290-297
This article asks how we might rethink the study of ‘ideas in politics’ in modern Britain. It suggests that historians need to set the problem in its international contexts in a more structured way. Focussing on the nineteenth century, the article reflects on conceptual angles opened up by ‘global intellectual’ and ‘entangled’ approaches to political ideas and behaviour. While stressing that these methods have their pitfalls, the article argues that a reconsideration of the seams where international and intellectual contexts meet can help to reconnect modern British political history with wider historical debates. 相似文献
96.
Alex O. Acheampong Eric Evans Osei Opoku Olufemi Adewale Aluko 《Journal of Public Affairs (14723891)》2023,23(4):e2882
Global crises have heightened policy uncertainties and efforts to address global climate change. Limited evidence exists in the literature on geopolitical risk's direct and indirect roles in addressing global emissions. In this study, we examine whether geopolitical risk could impede or facilitate efforts to attain a net-zero emissions target through energy transition using panel data for 42 countries from 1990 to 2020. Various econometric techniques were applied in this study to present robust findings and reliable conclusions. Estimates from the Driscoll-Kraay, Lewbel two-stage least squares and method of moment regression techniques consistently showed that countries' geopolitical risk directly increases emissions (total greenhouse gas, carbon, methane, and nitrous oxide). At the same time, energy transition, measured with renewable energy consumption, mitigates these emissions. In addition, evidence from the partial linear functional-coefficient model technique indicates that renewable energy consumption consistently mitigates emissions when geopolitical is minimal (at a minimum and mean level). However, the role of renewable energy consumption in reducing emissions becomes weaker when geopolitical risk is heightened—thus, when geopolitical risk reaches its maximum level. We recommend that efforts to sustain renewable energy transition and maintain geopolitical stability are vital for achieving net-zero emissions and climate change mitigation. 相似文献
97.
98.
99.
Policy Sciences - Public policies are the products of political conflict, constituted by mixes of diverse tools and instruments intended to achieve multiple goals that may change over time and not... 相似文献
100.
Political parties with strict party discipline are well-placed to demand that their election candidates and legislators promote the party brand. The franchise-franchisee relationship causes representatives to relinquish individual expression in exchange for centralized party messaging. This article looks at how a strategic desire for party unity combines with internal brand management to turn lower-ranking politicians in a parliamentary system into party brand ambassadors. Our Canadian case study draws on in-depth interviews with party leaders, Members of Parliament, political staff, candidates for office and prospective candidates. The implications for representative democracy in a Westminster system are considered, including the representational constraints for racial and sexual minorities. 相似文献