关于加快黑龙江省对俄合作战略升级的思考

近年来,黑龙江省对俄贸易在全国对俄贸易中的比重不断下滑,地缘优势逐渐丧失。进入2011年,虽然从贸易数量上看,对俄贸易大幅增长,但从贸易内容、贸易形式上来看,还存在着很多问题和不足。俄远东地区是黑龙江省传统的经贸伙伴,黑龙江省正面临着来自日韩和国内其他省市的挑战,形势日趋严峻。如何进一步挖掘潜能,发挥优势已成为黑龙江省开展对俄合作的重要课题。     

统一俄罗斯党形成过程浅析

统一俄罗斯党作为俄罗斯政治舞台上最具影响的政治力量之一,在普京总统任期内是亲总统的政权党。随着普京任总理并公开宣布担任党的主席,统一俄罗斯党进入新的发展时期。统一俄罗斯党的成立见证了"统一"与"祖国—全俄罗斯"两大杜马选举团关系的重大转变:由选举前的对立转变为选举后的统一。该党的成立是总统选举前国内政治形势的体现,是杜马选举中两大政治势力角力的产物,是普京任总统后多股政治力量联盟的结果。     

俄罗斯劳动关系与劳动立法现状及几点启示

俄罗斯在推行自由市场经济改革的过程中 ,企业的劳动关系发生了根本性变革 ,这些变革对劳动立法及未来走向产生了深远的影响。本文对俄罗斯的劳动关系与劳动立法现状进行了概括性描述 ,并提供启示。     

俄罗斯的行刑社会化制度

根据俄罗斯现行刑法典和刑事执行法典的规定 ,俄罗斯的行刑社会化制度 ,包括不将被判刑人与社会隔离的刑罚的行刑社会化、剥夺自由刑的行刑社会化 ,假释和缓刑四项内容。规定行刑社会化制度的目的 ,在于组织社会力量参与对服刑罪犯的惩罚与改造 ,使其回归社会后能够适应正常的社会生活 ,不重新犯罪     

Transnistrian strategy in the context of Russian–Ukrainian relations: the rise and failure of ‘dual alignment’

Abstract

The diversification of allegiances with several more powerful states is seen as a way for minor actors to improve their strategic position in the international system. The result, however, could become less than desirable when these relations are both essential and contradictory. This article intends to examine the challenges for Transnistrian foreign policy through the concepts of bandwagoning and balancing. It uses alternative neorealist perspectives to identify various types of alignment and then examines how this landlocked territorial entity attempts to use relations with Russia and Ukraine to protect its statehood and identity in the context of the ongoing threat from Moldova. This article identifies that twice in the last decade (after the Orange Revolution and Euromaidan), the strategy of ‘dual alignment’ failed. It claims that recent attempts by both the EU and Ukraine to weaken Russia’s position in the region by isolating Transnistria has led to a further strengthening of ties between this actor and Moscow.     

Economic mobility trajectories of the Russian population： The experience of the last two decades

This paper is to study the economic mobility trajectories of the Russian population in the last two decades, each of which has brought about both negative shocks and broadening of the opportunity horizons for people＇s economic advancement. The information base of the research is provided by the data of the Russian Longitudinal Monitoring Survey （RLMS） for the period of 1994-2008. The investigated period Russia clearly falls into two sub-periods-the 1990s and the 2000s： The first one is characterized by sharp shifts towards impoverishment of the population and growth of economic inequality; the second one-by considerable masses of people overcoming poverty with a still high level of economic inequality. The results indicate the following The proportion of the adult population who have been chronically poor during the whole contemporary history of Russia proves to be twice as little as the proportion of those who have been “chronically non-poor”. However, both groups in total have not constituted the majority, since the majority have been migrating between the extremes of persistent well-being and ill-being during this period with the stream of those coming out of poverty prevailing in numbers.     

国家地位信号释放与俄罗斯军事干预叙利亚

俄罗斯自2015年9月开始军事干预叙利亚危机。对于俄罗斯为何进行军事干预以及采取空袭的干预方式,国内外学术界尚存争议。俄罗斯军事干预叙利亚的主要目标是通过干预行动向不同的目标观众——包括叙利亚巴沙尔政权、叙反对派、"伊斯兰国"等恐怖组织和以美国为首的西方国家等——发出一系列的地位信号,以巩固和重塑俄罗斯的大国地位。针对不同的目标观众,俄罗斯使用了"炫耀性消费""分享性给予""倾向性解释"和"寻求性斗争"四种信号传导策略。就效果来看,俄罗斯的军事干预大致实现了其预期目标。通过地位信号这一视角分析俄罗斯军事干预叙利亚的目标与策略,不仅提供了一种理解国家行为的分析框架,也能为推动叙利亚问题的解决提供一定启发。