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1.
朝鲜的核、导战略态势及其影响   总被引:3,自引:3,他引:0  
朝鲜实施导弹发射和地下核试验,意在实现核拥有,籍以提高对美战略的筹码。朝鲜开展核战略角逐由来已久,先后展开过以守为攻;“边缘”对应;将计就计;以硬对强四个回合。角逐结果虽不乏战术上的小胜,却丧失了战略上的大胜。此番的导弹试射与地下核试验可视为第五个回合,是朝鲜核、导角逐战略“以攻为守”的转换。朝鲜执意实现核拥有纵有多种原因,却因核、导本身所拥有的“双刃剑”作用,带来于己、于他都不利的负面影响。包括:自食其言,愈加难以取信于国际社会;产生连锁反映,引发新一轮的军备竞赛;挑战核不扩散条约,难免遭到更大封杀;破坏合作气氛,延缓统一进程;置中国于尴尬境地,动摇中朝关系基础。朝鲜的“自行其事”难免遭到国际社会更加严厉的抵制。  相似文献
2.
20世纪80年代以来,美国国会通过涉华立法对美国对华政策施加了重要影响。其中,美国国会在年度拨款案中附加了相当数量的涉华法,其内容涉及对华安全防范和出口管制、涉台和涉藏事务、人权等领域。这些涉华条款对中国核心利益和中美关系产生了不容忽视的消极影响。  相似文献
3.
ABSTRACT

Should China forge a military alliance? Some scholars believe it should, others believe it should adhere to a policy of non-alignment. For China many risks are associated with military alliances. On the one hand, China would likely be involved in unwanted conflicts and confrontations created by potential allies. On the other hand, China would be bound to compete with the existing hegemon, the United States, which has already established a huge alliance system, to win more allies. China just cannot afford this. The intensified strategic competition between China and the United States may also lead to a new antagonism in the Asia-Pacific region. Nevertheless, China’s ‘non-alliance’ policy does not mean China has to abandon the development of strategic cooperation with other countries or renounce the right to build a cooperative partnership network. Since Xi Jinping came to power, the Chinese government has continuously expanded its strategic partnership network in the region. This policy could avoid US-China competition over military allies and enhance strategic trust between China and its neighbouring countries, creating conditions for China’s peaceful development and global strategic stability.  相似文献
4.
共同利益常被视为国际安全合作的重要基础,但鉴于中美之间的利益冲突众多,有必要把强调义务而非利益的、基于角色的合作模式作为补充的合作路径。在国际安全关系中,相关国家所应承担的角色及义务有其客观性,基于角色的合作能够为相关议题以及行为体间的合作提供一个相对客观、中性的规范指南与解决方案。朝鲜半岛核问题、南沙岛礁主权争端是东亚安全的两大挑战,中美在这两大问题上的角色互补,是两国基于角色推进良性安全互动的切入点。但出于维护地区霸权的利益考虑以及地区制约机制的缺乏,美国在这两个问题上的角色错位和义务失范趋势越来越明显:美国在朝核问题上逃避自己当事方的责任,本是南沙岛礁主权争端问题的第三方却试图选边站,使得东亚安全局势更加复杂,中美冲突的可能性增加。为此,有必要彰显规则意识,强调相关国家特别是美国在东亚安全议题上的角色义务,最终促使美国角色回归并与中国开展良性安全互动。  相似文献
5.
区域安全复合体内部主导权竞争常常会引发大国战争。从理性角度讲,倾向于发动主导权战争的国家要么具有"趋势优势",要么具有"实力优势"。但却无法解释为何有些国家既没有"趋势优势",也没有"实力优势",却依然倾向于对"实力较强且趋势占优"的国家发动主导权战争。趋势焦虑不仅可以解释传统理论中守成大国对新兴大国的防御性进攻倾向,更可以解释如果守成大国通过战略打压成功地扭转了新兴大国的崛起趋势,那么新兴大国反而可能因趋势焦虑而选择防御性进攻。避开从传统权力结构性分析路径,而通过引入战略心理学的"趋势焦虑"概念并构建防御性进攻主义的广义理论,将对区域主导权竞争中何者更具进攻性意愿有着更强的解释力和预测力。同时,传统理论认为,霸权国在区域主导权竞争中倾向于依据静态的权力结构性而扶持区域次强国,进而达到抑制权力占优方的目标。但从战略势能演变的动态性视角分析,霸权国在区域主导权竞争中并非一贯倾向对区域次强国予以支持,而是更倾向对"趋势占劣"或"战略匹配高"的地区大国予以支持,哪怕其权力尚处于优势地位。  相似文献
6.
Sino-US relations are one of the most important bilateral relations in the world. The sound and steady development of the relations not only conforms to the fundamental interests of both countries and peoples, but also contributes to the future world security order. However, US policies towards China have been undergoing significant changes since President Trump assumed power, leading to intensifying strategic competition between the two countries and making the bilateral relationship more complex, uncertain and uncontrollable. In the face of enormous difficulties, more efforts should be made to stabilize and further develop Sino-US relations now standing at a juncture. This has sparked a wave of discussion and debate among scholars both at home and abroad. How to view Sino-US relations in a comprehensive, objective, rational and pragmatic manner has become a major subject worth further exploration and clarification. Against this backdrop, on September 19, 2020, the Editorial Department of Journal of International Security Studies of UIR and the PLA Information Engineering University (Luoyang Campus) successfully co-hosted the 13th “Expert Forum” on the subject of “Assessing Sino-US relations” in Luoyang, Henan Province. Under the framework of “future development of Sino-US relations and the world security order”, distinguished scholars and researchers from all around China discussed such major issues as difficulties and development trends of Sino-US relations, US domestic political landscape and its policies towards China, as well as the construction of the future world security order and China’s strategic responses. Some of the viewpoints of the scholars and researchers are now offered to our readers.  相似文献
7.
权力转移导致中美战略竞争加剧,维护中美战略稳定成为攸关中美关系发展以及世界和平与稳定的重大问题。构建中美核战略稳定性框架是实现中美战略稳定的基石。传统战略稳定理论主要基于美苏两大对称性阵营的敌对关系,对于不对称性和动态权力转移背景下的中美核战略稳定性的理论解释力和实践指导性不足。基于非对称战略平衡视角,中美核战略稳定性框架应以保证中国第二次核打击能力为基础。在机制层面,中美要加强交流、协商和谈判以建立相关机制,逐渐形成中美核战略关系的共识,推动达成稳定中美核战略关系的协议、条约等法律性承诺,从而构建稳定中美核战略关系的政治框架。在结构层面,中国无需谋求与美国对等的核力量。统筹考虑军事效用和政治效果,构筑包括核实力、核威慑决心和核威慑信息传递的完备核威慑战略,确保处于弱势的中国拥有对美国进行核反击造成美不可承受损失的能力,是实现中美核战略稳定的关键。  相似文献
8.
This year marks the 70th anniversary of the end of the World War II and the victory of the Anti-Fascist War. The WWII is an unprecedented disaster for humanity and, however, it can never be guaranteed that world wars will not break out again in the future. Just as wars can be classified as cold wars and hot wars, peace can also be defined as cold peace and real peace. Cold Peace, as an unstable state in the international relations, may bring misleading perception of peace, where peace is taken for granted, and potential crises may lead to international conflicts/ wars. This is clearly reflected in concerns of western scholars as exemplified by what is called Kissinger’s Worry and Haass’s Question. This paper approaches the question from a strategic and historical perspective and draws the following three conclusions: 1) historically, it takes a long time for people to realize the negative impacts of wars; 2) currently, we are in a dangerous stage of cold peace in terms of international security; 3) the Sino-US and Sino-Japanese relations will be crucial to the major power relations that affect China’s the national security in the future. China should find ways to deal with the two major relations and play its role in maintaining the world peace.  相似文献
9.
2015年是人类空前的浩劫——第二次世界大战结束70周年。二战的破坏可谓空前,但其是否绝后,却还有待观察与思考。正如我们可以把战争分为“热战”与“冷战”一样,和平同样也可分为“冷和平”(假和平)与“真和平”。“冷和平”是一种非常不稳定的国际关系状态,“冷和平”容易给人以和平的假象,以为和平就是必然的,战争离我们很远,从而使得某些中小国家容易“任性”,大国容易缺乏包容,低端政治问题容易“越位”,这反而容易酿成真正的大危机与大危险。近期西方战略学者发出的“基辛格之忧”与“哈斯之问”也反映了对“冷和平”的忧虑。国际社会如果对“冷和平”状态认识不够、处置不当,则有可能导致国际战争的再现与和平的终结。从历史、现实、未来三个维度,结合中国的国家安全与大国博弈的背景,对国际安全与战争问题做战略思考,可以发现:从历史维度来看,人们对国际战争的认识经历了一个历史过程;从现实维度来看,当前中小国家“任性”乱为,大国博弈暗流涌动,“冷和平”状态令人担忧;从未来维度来看,中美关系与中日关系是影响中国国家安全的最重要的大国关系因素,也是中国对国际战争问题进行战略思考与未来展望时所无法回避的。中国要妥善谨慎地处理好中美关系与中日关系,未来爱好和平的中国将会成为遏制国际战争的重要力量。  相似文献
10.
20世纪50年代末至60年代中苏关系的恶化不仅对中国的政治、经济发展产生了重大影响,而且对中国的外交也产生了重大影响。中苏关系恶化,首先导致了中国外交的战略调整;其次使中国外交日趋激进,并于60年代后期发展到极端;再次,促使中国发展与亚、非、拉国家的关系;最后,促使中国领导人下决心改善中美关系,联美反苏。  相似文献
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