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1.
Baillie's article is concerned with how African-American fiction seeks to define and shape an aesthetic in opposition to racial ideologies as diffused through science, education and popular culture. In an examination of Count Joseph de Gobineau's Essai sur l'inégalité des races humaines (1853-5), it traces the construction of racialized discourse in nineteenth-century America. Baillie examines Toni Morrison's first novel The Bluest Eye (1970) in terms of Morrison's engagement with nineteenth-century racial theory and its implicit presence within ideologies of beauty and American popular culture of the 1930s. Through the figure of Shirley Temple, Morrison shows how the African-American community's internalization of cinematic images of beauty can lead to a psychosis that leaves identity fractured and the racial self all but erased. As well as reading The Bluest Eye as both a critique of scientific racism and as an historical novel in sustained debate with the cultural hegemony of the 1930s, Baillie examines its significance as a text in dialogue with the social and political milieu in which it was written. Here, The Bluest Eye becomes an intervention into the affirmative aesthetic of 1960s Black Power politics and its extreme proclamations of racial pride rooted firmly in black lower-class expression. She discusses the Black Power movement's appropriation of Frantz Fanon's theories and argues that Morrison's own articulation of a black identity eschews the nationalism of Black Power, and instead finds its focus in the political contestation of ideologies through the expression of African-American art forms. The Bluest Eye is an oppositional narrative that draws on western forms and yet privileges African-American vernacular as a counter-balance to language as a vehicle for ideologies of beauty and scientific racism.  相似文献   
2.
罗伯特.比尔在建警之初提出了"九项警务原则"用于指导警察行为和警务工作,这些原则中所倡导的行为包含了基本的警察理念,比如服务的思想,对于警察权力的观点等。这些原则历经一百多年的洗礼之后,对于今天的警务活动仍然具有借鉴意义。  相似文献   
3.
“9.11”事件后,库珀提出了新帝国主义论,将当今世界的国家分为后现代国家、现代国家和前现代国家三类。库珀的新帝国主义论暗含三个错误的前提假设,即:前现代国家是一撮无可救药的“失败国家”;前现代国家是恐怖主义泛滥的直接责任者;新自由主义式的全球治理是解救前现代国家的灵丹妙药。对于库珀所谓的后现代国家来说,要从治本的意义上根除这些影响世界秩序的不稳定因素,只有祛除其所奉行的经济帝国主义,改革现有的不公正、不合理的世界经济秩序,而不是诉诸于新帝国主义,维护和加强现有秩序。  相似文献   
4.
约翰·伯奇协会(John Birch Society,以下简称协会)是战后美国出现的一个极右组织。麦卡锡主义遭谴责后冷战格局的进一步发展,美国国内社会问题的日益严重,《权利法案》提供的保护以及美国国内存在的区域纷争,为协会的建立和存续提供了条件。与麦卡锡主义一样,协会也主张“共产主义阴谋论”,但在表述方法和所包含的内容方面又较麦卡锡主义灵活而丰富。作为一个组织,协会实行严格的集权制管理,通过发行刊物和公报、建立委员会、寄发邮件和游行示威等方式宣传自己的主张。它的极右言行对战后美国保守主义运动产生了不容忽视的影响,但协会对“共产主义阴谋论”的泛化和它对美国政界人物的指责,使它逐步失去了保守主义运动主流派的支持,沦为边缘右派。  相似文献   
5.
罗伯特·布伦纳(Robert Brenner)系当代美国“经济马克思主义”学者.受法国结构主义马克思主义阿尔都塞的影响,并在英国马克思主义历史学派的直接启发下,他致力于在二战后的英美世界继续从事历史唯物主义当代重建这一传统西方马克思主义重要使命.基于此,他提出了著名的“社会财产关系理论”,引发了著名的关于社会形态过渡(主要是从封建社会向资本主义社会过渡)的“布伦纳之争”,并由此重新开启了探讨历史唯物主义的经济学维度,按照他自己或者英美世界通行的说法,就是探索马克思主义社会与历史理论的经济学视角.  相似文献   
6.
《秀拉》是美国著名女作家托妮·莫里森的代表作之一。长期以来,人们不断对其进行深入研究,发现这部写作手法精妙的小说具有进行多角度解读的可能性。从自然主义的视角探讨这部作品可以发现,主人公秀拉的悲剧是由她的家庭遗传与社会环境和特定历史时代诸多因素交互作用造成的。  相似文献   
7.
By analysing two commemorative events organized shortly before and after the 2010 parliamentary elections in Slovakia, this article demonstrates how the Prime Minister Robert Fico and his collaborators exploited these ceremonies to promote a more inclusive definition of political community than their right-wing counterparts. Although commentators have interpreted the continuous political success of the political party Smer-SD in terms of negatively connotated nationalism and national populism, Fico's discursive framework allows him to address those who have been stigmatized by post-1989 neoliberalism, especially former communists and people unable or unwilling to adapt to the rapid changes brought about by post-socialist social, economic, political as well as cultural transition(s). Instead of backwardness, Fico's anti-elitist and anti-capitalist rhetoric opened a new symbolic universe to these groups. The history narratives that formed an important part of this universe were not used to exclude the Other, but rather to create a meaningful future for those who have been ignored by (neo-)liberal ideals. This paper argues for an interpretation of post-socialist populist parties that would take into account culturally relevant symbolic structures advanced by these parties.  相似文献   
8.
In Robert Dahl’s work on ‘polyarchy’, democratic ‘freedom’ is liberty from the abuses of the state and freedom for citizens to formulate and express their preferences. This meaning of freedom is central to contemporary scholarship on democratization. At the same time, freedom has also been a key concept for activists and leaders involved in Myanmar’s long democratic struggles. Yet, when freedom is referred to by Burmese activists and democratic leaders, does this entail support for liberty or freedom of the type outlined by Dahl? This article argues that Berlin’s distinction between ‘negative’ and ‘positive’ freedoms can help to clarify overlaps and divergence in notions of freedom. When exploring ‘negative’ democratic freedoms, such as freedom from government restrictions on speech or association, there is considerable overlap between the visions of Burmese activists and democratic leaders and the key elements of Dahl’s democratic freedom. In considering ‘positive’ freedoms, however, there is more divergence. Amongst activists and democratic leaders in Myanmar, there is a focus not on freedom as the exercising of own entitlements but rather on freedom for moral conduct; freedom to bear to the responsibilities and discipline of democracy.  相似文献   
9.
罗伯特·皮尔于1829年建立了"大伦敦警察厅",标志着近代制服警察制度的建立。在建警初期,罗伯特.皮尔提出的九项警务原则,深刻体现了英国警察的性质,使警察事业在英国取得了辉煌的成就,同时对世界许多国家的警察的发展产生了深远的影响,得到了各个历史时期警察的重视,体现了其思想在指导英国警察工作和改革等方面的价值。  相似文献   
10.
美国与"甘泉岛事件"   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
20世纪50年代中期所谓的"中共甘泉岛登陆"事件引起美国的高度重视,不仅国务院频频召开会议,与驻外使馆联络核实情况,还派出飞机和舰艇前往侦察.美国的立场是:西沙群岛的主权问题尚未解决;坚决反对"中共"在西沙群岛活动.这是其冷战时期遏制战略的一个表现.  相似文献   
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