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Andrew Glencross 《The Political quarterly》2018,89(3):490-496
British political debate since the EU referendum has hinged on what type of Brexit to pursue: hard or soft. Yet, unlike in instances of treaty rejection, the EU made no counter offer to avoid a breakdown in relations that would follow the hardest of exits. This remarkable unity in not discounting the possibility of a hard Brexit demonstrates that UK withdrawal is very distinct from previous wrangles over EU reform. Drawing on the work of Kissinger, this article argues Brexit is a revolutionary act that denies the legitimacy of the EU order. Hence this process does not conform to other episodes of differentiation. When Westminster sought opt‐outs, it did not reject the core principles of integration. By not seeking to oppose a hard Brexit, Brussels has forced the UK government to find a new legitimising principle to govern EU–UK relations, transferring the burden of adjustment to London. 相似文献
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用浸渍法测定了楝素、三氟氯氰菊酯、苦皮藤、高效氯氰菊酯、溴氰菊酯、哒嗪酮、螨净 7种药物对未吸血的微小牛蜱 (Boophilusmicroplus)幼蜱、若蜱、成蜱及其饱血雌蜱的半数致死浓度(LC50 )。结果显示 ,所用药物中半数致死浓度最低的 3种药物是楝素、三氟氯氰菊酯、苦皮藤。植物性杀虫剂楝素对未吸血微小牛蜱的幼蜱、若蜱、成蜱及饱血雌蜱的半数致死浓度分别为3.0 1~ 3.13、4 .37~ 4 .77、11.18~ 11.36、2 75 .5 0~ 2 76 .5 0mg/L ;植物性杀虫剂苦皮藤对未吸血微小牛蜱的幼蜱、若蜱、成蜱及饱血雌蜱的半数致死浓度分别为 4 .2 2~ 4 .4 2、10 .30~ 10 .5 0、82 .5 0~82 .70、6 35 .30~ 6 36 .70mg/L ;人工合成的除虫菊酯类的三氟氯氰菊酯对未吸血微小牛蜱的幼蜱、若蜱、成蜱及饱血雌蜱的半数致死浓度分别为 3.4 2~ 3.4 4、7.10~ 9.0 6、4 2 .30~ 4 2 .5 0、5 45 .5 0~5 46 .70mg/L。 相似文献
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论民主集中制原则在宪法中的地位 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
马克思恩格斯从未倡导过民主集中制原则。马克思充分肯定的巴黎公社实行的不是民主集中制,而是议行合一。议行合一与民主集中制不是同一概念。列宁是在反对党内小组主义和战争背景下强调民主集中制的。民主集中制原则不能涵盖宪法的全部内容,被人民主权、基本人权、法治等宪法基本原则所决定,是宪法的具体原则。 相似文献
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Both forms in koufuye and wan could increase the hypoxia tolerance of mice with hyperthyroidism of Yin deficient type, recover both the decreased body-weight and the weight index of adrenal gland of rats and the increased creatinine with urea nitrogen in plasma which were Yin deficient trpe of hydracortisone. They could also increase the phagocytic percentage of macrophage and neutrophilic granulocyte. The LD50 has not been measured even ig with maximal concentration and maximal volum of the drugs for 4 times in 24 hours. 相似文献
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Debates concerning the taxation of prostitution have occurred in taxation law and in feminist literature. This article will integrate the case of Polok v. C.E.C. [2002] E.W.H.C, 156; [2002] S.T.C. 361, within the feminist legal canon. The case is discussed in the context of the argument of the European doctrine of fiscal neutrality, which dictates that, regardless of legality as amongst member states, if an activity is levied to V.A.T. in one member state, V.A.T. should be levied on it in all member states. The doctrine of sovereignty accepts the possibility that the integrity of the V.A.T. system may be compromised by the levying of tax on illegal activities, in terms of the cooperation between tax and other aspects of the U.K.’s legal system. European law, feminist law, commodification and the marketplace are all considered within the context of these principles. The article also considers the place of Polok within standard feminist texts on prostitution. Different paradigms of prostitution define different aspects of prostitution as ‘problems’, and the article considers the implications within a feminist reconstruction of Polok of this. The article suggests that the challenge for a feminist analysis of Polok is to remain within the realm of European tax and competition law, and to render the perspective of the employees of the Polok taxpayers part of the substance of the deliberations of the case. 相似文献
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Casting Aside Clanking Medieval Chains: Prerogative,Statute and Article 50 after the EU Referendum 下载免费PDF全文
Robert Craig 《The Modern law review》2016,79(6):1041-1063
This article confronts the controversies surrounding Article 50 by analysing the relationship between statute and prerogative in the UK. The piece focuses on domestic constitutional issues and suggests a new way of classifying the relationship between statute and prerogative into two types falling under ‘the abeyance principle’ or ‘the frustration principle’. The abeyance principle means that where statute and prerogative overlap, the prerogative goes into abeyance. The frustration principle means that where statute and prerogative give rise to potential inconsistencies, but do not overlap, the prerogative cannot be used inconsistently with the intention of parliament as expressed in the relevant legislation. It then argues that Article 50 has the status of primary or ‘primary‐equivalent’ legislation which could justify applying the abeyance principle. This would mean that the trigger power would be exercised on statutory authority rather than through prerogative powers. If the courts are unable thus to construe the relevant legislation it argues EU law requires the courts to bridge the gap. Alternatively, if the abeyance principle is not applicable, it argues the frustration principle could apply but the circumstances in this litigation fall outside it. In the further alternative, EU law could require the frustration principle itself to be set aside in this case. 相似文献
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Gavin Phillipson 《The Modern law review》2016,79(6):1064-1089
This article analyses the Article 50 TEU debate and the argument that for the UK Government to trigger the formal withdrawal process without explicit parliamentary authorisation would be unlawful, because it would inevitably result in the removal of rights enjoyed under EU law and the frustration of the purpose of the statutes giving those rights domestic effect. After a brief survey of Article 50, this article argues first of all that the power to trigger Article 50 remains within the prerogative, contesting Robert Craig's argument in this issue that it is now a statutory power. It then suggests a number of arguments as to why the frustration principle may be of only doubtful application in this case, and in doing so it re‐examines one of the key authorities prayed in aid of it ‐ the Fire Brigades Union case. 相似文献
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《Communist and Post》2019,52(2):81-91
The issue of the Marxist character of “Mao Zedong Thought” has never really been resolved. The present work is a comparative analysis of the classical Marxism of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels and the ideology of Mao Zedong. The argument is made that whatever Marxism there was in Maoism was the “creatively developed Marxism” of V. I. Lenin—which allowed for socialist revolution in retrograde economic circumstances—something that had been specifically rejected by Marx and Engels. That led to the theoretical idiosyncrasies that characterized Maoism throughout its history, and ultimately resulted in the form rejected by Deng Xiaoping and post-Maoist China. 相似文献
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中华人民共和国 194 9年 10月 1日诞生后不久 ,当年底四川获得解放 ,随之四川省党政机构相继建立。 194 9年~ 1999年 ,四川全境解放 50年 ,四川如何从半殖民地半封建社会跨入社会主义社会 ?50年中有哪些曲折和辉煌 ?中共四川省委党史研究室撰写的《四川五十年大事辑要》 ,就这些问题 ,可从中了解四川50年历程的梗概。 相似文献