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Kashif Ullah Khan Fouzia Atlas Zhang Xuehe Farhan Khan Shabnam Khan 《Journal of Public Affairs (14723891)》2020,20(2)
Transition economies, such as China, are characterized by volatile and rapidly changing markets. Firms, in order to be successful and get a competitive advantage over their competitors, need to build intangible resources. In the light of the resource‐based view and dominant logic (DL), this study is an endeavor in this regard and proposes that DL and managerial capabilities are intangible resources, which can drive the performance of small‐ and medium‐sized enterprises (SMEs). We hypothesized that dynamic managerial capabilities (DMCs), measured by human capital along with social capital and managerial cognition, play a mediating role in the relationship between DL, consisting of proactiveness and routine, and firm performance. The data in this study were obtained through a survey from 204 SMEs in China and were analyzed by structural equation modeling to generate results. We found that while successfully utilizing intangible/operant resources that are characterized as firm dynamic capabilities, SMEs can achieve superior performance and competitive advantage. Our results support the proposed hypotheses that show the importance and significance of DL and DMCs in order to attain higher level of performance. The concept of DL and its impact on SME's performance has been less researched in general, particularly in China. Limited research is available regarding intangible resources and their impact on SME performance in China. 相似文献
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Shabnam J. Holliday 《Third world quarterly》2016,37(5):917-933
Drawing on Laclau’s concept of populist discourse and Gramsci’s ‘national–popular collective will’, and using the case of Iran, this article puts forward the idea of the legacy of subalternity in the context of post-revolution governments. The concept of ‘national–popular collective will’ facilitates an understanding of how the popular subject is constructed and the meanings embedded in that process. It is argued that Islamic Republic elites articulate a populist discourse that constructs the ‘self’ (the Islamic Republic) as synonymous with ‘the people’. Embedded in this discursive construction is a legacy of subalternity that goes back to the 1979 Revolution’s populist discourse. 相似文献
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Youth suicide represents an area of important public and mental health concern. Although diagnostic correlates (e.g., depression)
of suicidality have been identified, very few studies of youth have analyzed relationships between empirically-derived dimensions
of psychopathology, representing broader dimensions of risk, and different suicidality indicators. We recruited 223 adolescents
(57% female; 32% ethnic minority) from mental health agencies and the community to assess psychopathology, substance use,
and suicidality relying on multiple measures and reporters (youth, parent, and clinician). Using a 3-factor model of psychopathology,
we found that the Internalizing factor (including depression and generalized anxiety) was associated with both suicidal thinking
and behaviors (threats/attempts), the Externalizing factor (conduct, oppositional, and attention deficit disorders) was negatively
related only to suicidal thinking, and the Substance Use factor (alcohol and cannabis use) related to suicidal behaviors of
threats/attempts but not suicidal thinking. The results show the utility of a dimensional conceptualization for clarifying
distinct vulnerabilities to suicidal thinking versus overt behaviors and have implications for the construct validity of distinct
dimensions of psychopathology. 相似文献
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Shabnam Holliday 《British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies》2010,37(1):1-13
Using a discourse approach, the article demonstrates that Khatami's construction of Iranian national identity is a discourse of resistance on the international and regional levels. This resistance is evident in the meanings attached to three sets of values: Iranian-Islamic culture, ‘dialogue among civilisations’ and Islamic mardumsālārī, which are referred to as the three pillars of the Islamist-Iranian discourse of national identity. In terms of Iranian-Islamic culture, it is evident that Islam is Iranianised and furthermore the framework for the political apparatus is not simply politicised Islam, but rather Iranian political Islam. In terms of ‘dialogue among civilisations’, the resistance is not only to perceived Western hegemony in the international system, but also resistance to the dominance of the West and Western perspectives in the discipline of International Relations. Finally, Khatami establishes Islamic mardumsālārī as the most appropriate and authentic means of maintaining Iran as an independent nation. 相似文献
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