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Wheeler DR 《The Personnel journal》1979,58(6):374-5, 404
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Norton Wheeler 《East Asia》2005,22(3):3-24
Despite sustained criticism of Western modernization theory since the 1970s, several distinct groups of theorists have sought
to renovate it. Further, some of the strongest evidence of the theory's continued vitality comes from discussions of China,
the fastest developing contemporary society. A close reading of a diverse group of texts reveals that a lively, creative,
and global Chinese modernization discourse has emerged in recent decades. That discourse draws heavily on classical modernization
theorists like Max Weber, acknowledges the successors and critics, and often integrates these Western theories with Chinese
social and philosophical traditions. This essay maps the Chinese modernization discourse, highlights its relationships with
other modernization discourses, and situates it within historical and theoretical contexts. 相似文献
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The assumption that candidates make a difference to electoral outcomes in British general elections is tested through a comparison of the 1983 and 1987 general elections. Incumbent's Constituency-specific Vote Change (ICVC) between the June 1983 and June 1987 British general elections is measured by subtracting the average regional vote change for the incumbent's party from the constituency vote change registered by the incumbent. Regression analysis finds ICVC to be most significantly influenced in both the Labour and Conservative parties by the incumbent's length of tenure, displayed especially in the higher ICVC registered by first-term incumbents than by more senior incumbents. Variables indicating the security or insecurity of the seat in electoral terms are significantly related to ICVC in the Conservative but not in the Labour case. The findings for Labour indicate ICVC to be greater where electoral security is greater. This finding might be explained by successful Conservative party concentration on constituencies in which Labour incumbents appear to be vulnerable. 相似文献
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Andrew Norton 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2002,61(2):33-50
Political commentators argue that the major political parties are in decline. This article sets out evidence for this view: minor parties and independents securing 20 percent of the vote at federal elections, declining strength of voters' party identification, and issue movements playing a large role in setting the political agenda. Possible causes for these trends range from the political, such as policy failure, undermining traditional constituencies, and ignoring public opinion, to sociological forces, such as postmaterialism, individualism and serious disaffection. However, the article argues Labor and the Coalition will be the dominant political players for the foreseeable future. In most lower houses, the electoral system favours the major parties which on balance is a good thing. The major parties have taken concerns of interest groups into account, while balancing these against majority opinion. They simplify choice for an electorate only moderately interested in politics, and can be held accountable in a way minor parties and independents cannot. 相似文献