Controversy over the concept ‘freedom’ during the Iranian constitutional revolution (1906– 09)

The Iranian constitutional revolution of 1906–09 paved the way for the establishment of new administrative institutions, adopting modern ideas and the hegemony of new political discourse over the archaic political reasoning. One of the most important aspects of the new discourse was the definition and internalization of modern concepts. This paper holds the view that the concept ‘freedom’ brought about a complicated problem for the socio-political sphere in the course of the Iranian revolution and, as such, deserves a thorough examination. Previous studies on the subject have usually neglected this aspect. Yet, this was exactly the main domain of the clash between traditionalism and modernity during the revolutionary years and brought about far-reaching results for Iranian society. This article attempts to contribute to this field by examining a number of Iranian journals of the period in order to evaluate their understanding of the concept ‘freedom’ and show the discrepancy between the constitutionalist and non-constitutionalist discourses.     

Foreign relations and semi-modernization during the reigns of Haidar ‘Ali and Tipu Sultan

It was during the reigns of the late-eighteenth-century rulers of Mysore, Haidar ‘Ali (r.1761–82) and Tipu Sultan (r.1782–99), that one of the earliest efforts of semi-modernization in the regions of West, Central and South Asia, as well as North Africa was taking place. Some scholars have described Haidar and Tipu as premodern rulers, but continuity and tradition do not fully explain Mysore’s transitional character, which was embodied in these rulers’ reforms. Their encounter with European powers convinced and compelled them that a transformation of state and society was the most promising means to resist colonization and remain independent. The following will inquire into Mysore’s late-eighteenth-century foreign relations and recruitment of foreign artisans. It will be intended to assert that neither can these efforts be exclusively understood in terms of tradition nor do they reflect the minds of modern rulers. Instead, they manifest a historical juncture that was neither dominantly traditional nor modern, but resided in a transitory phase.     

Politics and provincial government spending in Canada

Abstract: Much has been written on the growth of government expenditures at the national level, focusing on economic variables. Few studies have focused on the growth of spending at the provincial level. Even fewer studies have sought to examine the role of politics in provincial government spending. This paper seeks to fill the gap. It examines the growth of government in Canadian provinces over the last quarter-century, 1960 through 1986, and the role of politics in that growth. Government spending in Canada has grown rapidly at the provincial level over the past quarter-century, more rapidly than at the federal level. The present study develops and tests an econometric model of provincial government expenditure that incorporates economic, social, and political factors. In particular, the influence of the political party in power on provincial government spending is examined. Surprisingly, in most Canadian provinces the political party in power is found to have no significant impact on the level or growth of provincial government spending over the last twenty-five years. Instead, the growth of provincial government spending has been stimulated by the growth of the private sector provincial GDP. The provincial governments have responded to changes in the state of provincial economy and to provincial unemployment by increasing their own level of expenditures. Sommaire: La croissance des dépenses gouvernementales à l'échelon national a fait l'objet de nombreuses analyses, centrées sur des variables économiques. Très peu d'études ont porté sur l'augmentation des dépenses provinciales et, encore moins, sur le rôle joué par la politique à cet égard. Le présent exposé a pour objet de combler cette lacune en examinant la croissance des gouvernements dans les provinces canadiennes au cours du dernier quart de siècle, soit de 1960 à 1986, ainsi que le rôle qu'a joué la politique dans cette croissance. Les dépenses gouvernementales au Canada ont augmenté pendant cette période plus rapidement au niveau des provinces qu'au fédéral. La présente étude élabore et teste un modèle économétrique des dépenses des gouvernements provinciaux qui incorpore des facteurs économiques, sociaux et politiques. En particulier, on y examine l'influence du parti politique au pouvoir sur les dépenses du gouvernement au niveau provincial. Chose surprenante, dans la plupart des provinces, on constate que l'identité du parti politique au pouvoir n'a pas d'effet significatif sur le niveau ou sur la croissance des dépenses des gouvernements provinciaux au cours de ce quart de siècle. C'est plutôt la croissance du produit intérieur brut du secteur privé provincial qui a stimulé l'augmentation des dépenses des gouvernements provinciaux. Ces derniers ont réagi à l'évolution de l'économie provinciale ainsi qu'au chômage provincial en augmentant leur propre niveau de dépenses.     

On distinguishing between Leviathan and Public Interest governments in a federal state

The purpose of this paper is to derive testable implications for the proposition that provincial governments in a specific federal system are Leviathans, that is, revenue maximizers. The Leviathan model, associated with Brennan and Buchanan (1980) hypothesizes that governments behave like monopolies who seek to maximize their revenue. This model is contrasted with an alternative hypothesis, the Public Interest Theory. A theoretical model of a federal state, based on the Canadian system, is constructed and testable implications are derived. The principal feature of the model is that it is set in the context of a particular game involving the federal government, provincial governments and a consumer. In attempting to model this situation, care has been taken to try to incorporate as many institutional features of the Canadian federal system as possible, while still allowing the model to be somewhat parsimonious. With some modification, the model may be applicable to other countries with similar federal systems.     

Avoiding the ‘exquisite trap’: A critical look at the equal treatment/special treatment debate in law

I would like to thank the following people who have read and commented on my work: Linda Luckhaus, Sally Sheldon, Katherine O'Donovan, Mary Daly, Jeanne Gregory, Carol Bacchi and Laurent Gallissot.