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In recent years, feminist theorists have examined the use of visual technologies in pregnancy and argued that these technologies are reconstructing the meaning of pregnancy. The imaged body of gestation can be deployed to distinguish and separate maternal and foetal interests. Drawing on this work, ‘Visibly Pregnant: Toward a placental body’ argues that the use of visual technology also obfuscates that which it purports to make clear. The images produced by these technologies in particular do not locate and acknowledge the significance of the placenta as a point of connection and distinction for the gestating body. The possibilities suggested by a concentration on the placenta show how the morphology of the pregnant body itself rejects the distinction outlined in the technologically produced images of pregnancy and offers some new possibilities for thinking subjectivity. 相似文献
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Parkin EJ Kraayenbrink T Opgenort JR van Driem GL Tuladhar NM de Knijff P Jobling MA 《Forensic science international》2007,166(2-3):176-181
Twenty-six Y-chromosomal short tandem repeat (STR) loci were amplified in a sample of 769 unrelated males from Nepal, using two multiplex polymerase chain reaction (PCR) assays. The 26 loci gave a discriminating power of 0.997, with 59% unique haplotypes, and the highest frequency haplotype occurring 12 times. We identified novel alleles at four loci, microvariants at a further two, and nine examples of amelogenin-Y deletions (1.2%). Comparison with a similarly sized Bhutanese sample typed with the same markers suggested histories of isolation and drift, with drift having a greater effect in Bhutan. Extended (11-locus) haplotypes for the Nepalese samples have been submitted to the Y-STR Haplotype Reference Database (YHRD). 相似文献
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Nirmal Sengupta 《The Journal of peasant studies》2013,40(4):111-115
Henningham is taken to task for his misleading review article in The Journal of Peasant Studies (Vol.11, No. 4, July 1984) on the Special Issue on ‘Agrarian Movements in India: Studies on Twentieth Century Bihar’ (Vol.9, No.3, April 1982). It is suggested that Henningham seriously misrepresents the arguments in the Special Issue and uses his ‘review article’ as a vehicle for expounding the views presented in his own book, published in 1982. 相似文献
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The article focuses on the politics of representation in Kosova since the United Nations took over ‘peace management’ in 1999. It uses UN propaganda posters (political pedagogy) and local nationalist political advertising as a way to read the multiple gendered discourses of representation. It shows how gender is used relationally between competing forces – the ‘international community’ and nationalists – as a tool to ensure UN's imposition of Western policies and norms and as a mechanism for local politicians to consolidate their domination of the domestic/private sphere. Moreover, it discusses the price paid to mimic the West: how Kosovar politicians have sought to ‘undo’ national identity in favour of a Western self-representation through a gendered abnegation of Islam. Thus, as an intrinsic part of the discourse of ‘peace-building’, these images represent the site of power production, domination, negotiation, and rejection, involving the collaboration of different actors, institutions, and individuals. Three specific points will be made: first, the article seeks to show that a Western political modernization discourse has, paradoxically, reinforced patriarchal relations of power and traditional gender roles in Kosova through the subjugation of women. Second, it explains the inability to resolve competing Albanian narratives – one relying on the legacy of peaceful resistance and the other on the armed struggle against Serbian domination during the 1990s. Third, through the intermeshing of international peace-keepers and local nationalist patriarchs, it will show how the militarization of culture is perpetuated through, and in relationship to, gender. 相似文献