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There is widespread criticism of the behaviour of junior officials in post-communist Europe where they are often accused of treating citizens unfairly and soliciting presents or bribes to solve citizens' problems. To get the perspective of officials themselves we interviewed 1307 junior officials and state employees in Ukraine, Bulgaria, Slovakia and the Czech Republic. This paper focuses on their willingness to accept gifts from clients, their confessions to having done so, and the factors that lead some officials to accept gifts while others do not – factors such as occupational bargaining power and the (related) frequency of offers from clients, economic pressures, national and institutional cultures, fear of punishment, and moral perspectives on charging clients for favours. Economic pressures make officials more inclined to feel that they 'could not afford to refuse' gifts, but this motivation is only weakly related to actual behaviour. Occupational bargaining power and the frequency of offers from clients make them more likely to 'welcome' gifts or accept them 'out of politeness'– and these less excusable motivations are more strongly related to actual gift-taking. 相似文献
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Oanh Thi Hoang Nguyen Ilia Aksenov Nhuan Thi Phan Tatyana Sakulyeva 《Journal of Public Affairs (14723891)》2023,23(1):e2745
Nguyen, O. T. H., Aksenov, I., Phan, N. T., & Sakulyeva, T. (2021). Russia's foreign policy priorities in the Asia-Pacific region. Journal of Public Affairs, e2745. https://doi.org/10.1002/pa.2745 . The above article, published online on 17 August 2021 in Wiley Online Library ( wileyonlinelibrary.com ) has been retracted by agreement between the journal's Editor-in-Chief, Laura Corazza and Shaista Wasiuzzaman and John Wiley & Sons Ltd. The retraction has been agreed following concerns regarding manipulation of the peer review and publishing process. Concerns were originally raised by a third party (1). Further investigation by the publisher has found manipulation of the peer review process, and overlapping text with other publications. The retraction has been agreed because the peer review of the article was compromised and there is unattributed overlap between this article and several other articles (2)(3). Abalkina, A. (2022). Publication and collaboration anomalies in academic papers originating from a paper mill: evidence from a Russia-based paper mill https://arxiv.org/abs/2112.13322 Burdzik, T. (2019). Slowly but Surely: Russia's Foreign Policy in Southeast Asia https://russiancouncil.ru/en/analytics-and-comments/columns/asian-kaleidoscope/slowly-but-surely-russia-s-foreign-policy-in-southeast-asia/?sphrase_id=34631795 Rumer, E., Sokolsky, R., Vladicic, A. (2020). Russia in the Asia-Pacific: Less Than Meets the Eye https://carnegieendowment.org/publications/82614 相似文献
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Throughout the 1990s, tens of thousands of Ukrainian women were trafficked into prostitution. This phenomenon was researched
by collecting data through interviews and surveys in Ukraine, media reports, governmental and non-governmental (NGO) reports
on trafficking, and participant observation in conferences. Trafficking occurs because of a transnational political criminal
nexus, which is comprised of individual criminals, organized crime groups, corrupt police and governmental officials, foreign
governments, and NGOs. Traffickers' methods of operation are flexible and adapted to ease of recruiting victims, cooperation
of corrupt officials, risk of being detected, and profit. In destination countries, victims are controlled by confiscation
of travel and identity documents, debt bondage, threats, and violence. Political components of the nexus include foreign governments
that support NGOs that ignore the views of civil society in Ukraine, and instead, support the foreign governments' positions
on trafficking and prostitution, resulting in a corruption of civil society. Some foreign governments also support changes
in laws that enable a legal flow of women into their sex industries. 相似文献
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Tatyana A. Denisova 《Trends in Organized Crime》2001,6(3-4):30-36
Trafficking in women and children for purposes of sexual exploitation increases annually, generating an estimated 7 billion
to 12 billion dollars a year. Although Ukraine supports international initiatives opposing trafficking and imposes criminal
penalties for those responsible, only a few non-governmental organizations have been successful in searching for and rehabilitating
victims. Government instability, poor public health, and high unemployment rates in Ukraine distract government resources
that could be directed at the trafficking problem and reducing the hopelessness of many Ukrainian women who turn to the sex
industry for work. The goal of this study was to examine legislation and law enforcement practices in Ukraine that have been
unsuccessful thus far, and suggests meaningful prevention possibilities and intervention opportunities. 相似文献
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Nukusheva Aigul Karzhassova Guldana Rustembekova Dinara Au Tatyana Baikenzhina Kulbagila 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2021,21(4):647-667
International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics - The world community recognizes the enormous potential danger posed by nuclear power, including accidents at nuclear industries... 相似文献
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Temirlan T. Moldogaziev Rachel M. Krause Gwen Arnold Le Ahn Nguyen Long Tatyana Ruseva Chris Silvia Christopher Witko 《政策研究评论》2023,40(2):186-206
Though many individuals are aware of the need to address environmental concerns, fewer are willing to pay for climate action or think the environment should be a priority for government spending. One compelling reason is that they prioritize using scarce resources to address immediate material concerns. This is particularly likely for individuals facing absolute material scarcity or for those who think they are relatively economically worse off, especially in contexts characterized by rapid transformation and volatility in the levels and quality of social welfare provision. To test these expectations, we analyze survey data from formerly Communist economies, which today find themselves with vastly different fortunes. Empirical findings suggest that absolute and relative material scarcity affect opinions regarding government spending on, and the willingness to pay more for, environmental action. However, willingness to pay more for government public services, inclusive of anti-poverty initiatives, has an impact on willingness to pay more for climate action, but in counter-intuitive ways. Overall, the results appear to suggest that explicitly addressing and relating individual living standards and inequality with environmental concerns may expand support for climate action. 相似文献
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