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The aim of the current study was to determine the prevalence of probable attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) in prisoners and to assess the relationship between ADHD and recidivism. We studied 356 inmates, who were evaluated using the Wender Utah Rating Scale and Adult ADHD Self-Report Scale. Type of crime and other crime-related data were compared between inmates with and without ADHD. The group with probable ADHD had a higher average number of convictions compared to the group without ADHD. The probable ADHD group also demonstrated higher incidence of extortion crime, drug trade, disciplinary action at school, and military service than the group without ADHD. Linear regression analysis revealed that the presence of probable ADHD was effective on the number of convictions. The findings of our study support that the presence of probable ADHD carries a potential risk of being prone to certain crimes and demonstrate a correlation between the presence of probable ADHD and early involvement in crime and the number of convictions.  相似文献   
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Nicolau syndrome (NS) is a dermatological adverse reaction of intramuscular injections and is caused by several mechanisms. The etiopathogenesis remains unclear, and several hypotheses have suggested a vascular origin. Rhabdomyolysis (RM) is the destruction of striated muscle, with the subsequent release of muscle cell contents into circulation. NS and RM diagnoses may overlap. Herein, we present the autopsy findings of a 40‐year‐old female with NS complicated with RM. On clinical follow‐up, creatine kinase (CK) was 7146 IU/L, and urea and creatinine levels were elevated on the third day after intramuscular diclofenac injection. Possible ischemic process triggered the RM and subsequent acute renal failure. The opportunity for an early diagnosis was missed because the patient delayed seeking medical aid. The prognosis worsened, and the patient died due to secondary sepsis. Early diagnosis of NS before the occurrence of complications is the most important issue in patient education and can be life‐saving.  相似文献   
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ABSTRACT

After 1999, democratization, normalization and Europeanization were the key processes through which Kosovo’s final political status was expected to take shape. All three processes, however, were guided by the stability paradigm. Though Kosovo cannot be categorized as a typical authoritarian state, its political leaders have openly displayed illiberal tendencies, governing in an unaccountable manner and utilizing public assets for their private gain. In the period from 1999 to 2008, while UNMIK’s approach was based on maintaining stability instead of democratization, a soft competitive authoritarianism began to emerge incrementally. In its first decade of independence, Kosovo’s statehood remained internationally disputed, whereas its governance culture was characterized by a lack of internal accountability, which is a key component of the soft competitive authoritarianism in the country. Thus, the negative trajectory of political developments did not change even after the deployment of EULEX and the 2008 declaration of independence. This article analyses the development of authoritarian and illiberal tendencies in Kosovo and suggests that the democratization and Europeanization discourses served to conceal soft competitive authoritarian practices in Kosovo.  相似文献   
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In 2013, Ali A Mazrui gave a lecture in Muscat (Oman) about Barack Obama, the 44th president of the USA, in which he suggested that Obama was a great man but not yet a great president. Mazrui said we would have to wait and see if Obama would become a great president. I think Mazrui was right. But we would not have to wait any longer to say: ‘Ali A Mazrui: a great man, a great scholar’. On 12 October 2014, Ali Mazrui passed away at the age of 81. He was indeed a great man and an extraordinary scholar. This essay is a special tribute to him.  相似文献   
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This paper examines the 15-point agreement on normalization of relations between Kosovo and Serbia. Two mainstream discourses have prevailed since the agreement was ratified by both countries: on one hand, the Government of Kosovo has branded this agreement as historic, given the fact that in the last century no agreement has ever been reached between Kosovo and Serbia. On the other hand, Kosovo's political opposition has critiqued this agreement stressing that the 15-point agreement devastates Kosovo's statehood. Beyond both extreme stances, we argue that an enhanced autonomy for four northern Serb municipalities ought to be seen as a tool for integration, rather than disintegration of Kosovo statehood. This paper concludes that the dialogue between Kosovo and Serbia as a top-down arrangement lacks transparency, and this might jeopardize the achievements reached through this process. Moreover, the EU position should be clearly articulated that redrawing and rearranging the borders of Kosovo and Serbia might overturn the EU's and USA's immense investments in stability, peace, and prosperity in the Western Balkans.  相似文献   
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