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Since the 1980s in Western Europe, centralized states' control over subnational territories has been deeply affected by processes of Europeanization and regionalization. These changes have raised the issue of state territorial restructuring in a particular fashion: what capacity have formerly centralized states retained to steer and control subnational territories? The article draws on Mann's concept of infrastructural power, which refers to the state's capacity to exercise control and implement political decisions over the national territory. The article applies the two main operationalizations of the concept, namely the capability of the state to exercise control and the weight of the state in the subnational territories. Empirically, the article focuses on the French state in two policy sectors (education and housing). Although France is a most likely case, this article challenges this expectation, and shows the limits of the French state's infrastructural power over the subnational territories since the late 1980s.  相似文献   
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Meta-analytic techniques were used to determine which predictor domains and actuarial assessment instruments were the best predictors of adult offender recidivism. One hundred and thirty-one studies produced 1,141 correlations with recidivism. The strongest predictor domains were criminogenic needs, criminal history/history of antisocial behavior, social achievement, age/gender/race, and family factors. Less robust predictors included intellectual functioning, personal distress factors, and socioeconomic status in the family of origin. Dynamic predictor domains performed at least as well as the static domains. The LSI-R was identified as the most useful actuarial measure. Recommendations for developing sound assessment practices in corrections are provided.  相似文献   
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Recidivism reduction is an important objective of many correctional programs. Recent survey data suggest that boot camp prisons (also referred to as shock incarceration programs) are no exception. In this study, we examine recidivism among boot camp completers in eight states during community supervision. We then assess these recidivism patterns in light of how one or more comparison groups in each state perform. For most states, two or more recidivism measures (such as arrest and revocation) are employed. The analysis suggests that those who complete boot camp do not inevitably perform either better or worse than their comparison group counterparts. Rather, program effectiveness has to be judged on a state-bystate basis.  相似文献   
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Secret Laws     
CLAIRE GRANT 《Ratio juris》2012,25(3):301-317
There is a thesis that legal rules need to be made public because people cannot guide their conduct by rules they cannot know. This thesis has been a mainstay of anti‐positivism and the controversy over it continues apace. However, positivism can accommodate the secret laws thesis. The deeper import of the debate over secret laws concerns our understanding of law's nature. In this regard secrecy merits attention as a candidate necessary connection between law and immorality. In addition the mediating role of lawyers as experts in ascertaining the law should be highlighted. It has been widely overlooked despite the fact that lawyers are criterial in Hart's concept of law.  相似文献   
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Fathers who have abused their children or their children's mothers constitute a significant challenge to court and community service providers. Although legislation offers direction for court dispositions, resulting court orders are only the starting point for ensuring children's safety. This article begins with a rationale for expanding services to include intervention for abusive fathers. Using the Caring Dads program as an example, we identify four principles to guide appropriate intervention with abusive fathers and discuss their theoretical and practical implications. Throughout the article we contrast the model we are proposing with more traditional court and intervention program responses to abusive fathers.  相似文献   
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Prior to the election in 2010 David Cameron pledged that his first cabinet would comprise one‐third women and would be the most family friendly ever. Since forming the Coalition Government, he appears to have a ‘problem’ with women. We argue that this problem stems from: the weak representation of women in cabinet and across government; the diminishing resources available to government actors to support gender equality policy; and women's exclusion from the key Coalition networks, both formal and informal, that determine government policy.  相似文献   
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