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Alan Patten’s Equal Recognition is a compelling justification of a liberal, procedural conception of recognition. This conception is built upon a convincing conception of moral equality, but it does not offer a full theoretical discussion of recognition. I argue that the liberal recognition provided by Patten is too formal and narrow to address all relevant issues regarding conflicts of recognition in democratic societies. In particular, it does not consider the political and democratic preconditions that should be granted to minority groups or immigrants in order to provide them fair opportunities to effectively (and not only formally) reach equal recognition. 相似文献
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Matteo Gianni 《Swiss Political Science Review》1995,1(4):1-38
La dynamique sociale et politique du multiculturalisme constitue un défi pour la conception libérale traditionnelle de la citoyenneté. L'article part du constat que ce phénomène se caractérise essentiellement par une dispersion des identités et par la coexistence d'une multiplicité d'allégeances culturelles. Sa spécificité tient au fait qu'un nombre croissant d'individus ou de groupes sociaux ressentent leur caractérisation identitaire comme étant “non-négociable”. Dès lors, la citoyenneté n'est plus en mesure de constituer le ferment de l'identité politique, ce qui représente une menace importante pour le fonctionnement et la légitimité des démocraties libérales. En tentant de surmonter les impasses auxquelles se heurtent les perspectives libérale et communautarienne de la citoyenneté, l'auteur propose un modèle fondé sur une articulation de la citoyenneté en tant que “règle” et en tant que “contenu”. Ce modèle a pour finalité d'assurer une plus grande intégration des minorités culturelles, au travers d'un processus égalitaire d'élaboration des principes susceptibles d'orienter la politique de la communauté. 相似文献
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Christie J. Rizzo Shannon E. Daley Brent H. Gunderson 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2006,35(3):444-453
The role of interpersonal sensitivity in the relation between romantic stress and depression was examined in 55 adolescent girls from an inner-city high school. Depression, interpersonal sensitivity, and chronic and episodic romantic stress were measured at two time points, 6 months apart. Interpersonal sensitivity was found to moderate the longitudinal relation between romantic stress (both chronic and episodic) and depression. In contrast, interpersonal sensitivity did not potentiate depressive responses to non-romantic interpersonal stress, suggesting particular importance of stress in the romantic domain for adolescent girls. Results indicate that girls' sensitivities to romantic relationship stress should be specifically addressed in depression prevention and intervention programs.Received her PhD from the University of Southern California. Research interests include the influence of romantic relationship factors, such as romantic stress and dating violence, on the development of depression during adolescence.Received her PhD from the University of California, Los Angeles. Research interests include the interplay between adolescent depression, personality disorder symptoms, and interpersonal variables including adjustment in friendships and romantic relationships.Research interests include cognitive and interpersonal factors in adolescent depression. 相似文献
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Michael Rizzo 《新民周刊》2012,(26):62-67
许多年来,我们所做的一切,就是为了让人们了解,世界各地贫穷的人们都渴望能够得到金融系统的支持。这种支持将改变他们的生活———全球各地的摄影师见证了这一点。世界银行扶贫协商小组(CGAP)是一个独立的政策研究中心,致力于让全球穷人能接触到金融服务。CGAP由30多家发展机构和私人基金支持,共同的目标是消除贫困。CGAP... 相似文献
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Liverpool Law Review - 相似文献
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Fred H. Lawson Matteo Legrenzi 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2017,52(1):76-87
Why the uprisings that broke out across the Middle East and North Africa in 2010-11 ousted the leaders of republics but left monarchies largely intact remains puzzling. One promising explanation for the resilience of monarchical regimes argues that monarchs exercise repression in a comparatively restrained and largely effective fashion. Proponents of this theory tend to conflate two crucial causal factors: the level of state coercion exercised against opposition activists and the degree of indiscriminateness with which coercion is deployed. By treating these variables as analytically distinct, a more compelling explanation for monarchical resilience can be advanced. The advantages of the revised argument are illustrated by revisiting the divergent trajectories of the uprisings in Bahrain, Oman, Saudi Arabia and Kuwait. 相似文献
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Matteo Albanese 《Labor History》2017,58(1):91-105
The aim of this article is to show how at the beginning of the 1970s a community of workers in Besançon in France reacted to globalization. It deals with the culture of the working class in a French province, the level of organization of the community and how it reacted when ‘its’ factory was taken over by a multinational company. In seeking to understand this transformation and how the workers perceived it, it is crucial to investigate the changing role of the state. All these aspects will be developed in the sections below with the aim of better understanding the meaning of the strategy of workers’ resistance in the face of a change that affected the community, the sector of production, the region and, ultimately, the working class within the Western societies. 相似文献