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1.
Law and Critique - Generally, regulation is thought of as a constant that carries with it both a formative and conservative power, a power that standardises, demarcates and forms an order, through... 相似文献
2.
Soumaila Gansonré 《Development in Practice》2019,29(3):326-335
This article investigates off-farm work decisions by smallholder farm households. Using data on 1,101 households from Burkina Faso, it demonstrates that in addition to the usual household socio-demographic characteristics, remittances, access to information and beneficiary of specific training affect off-farm work decisions, as well as rainfall factors and idiosyncratic health shocks. Community characteristics such as accessibility and number of inhabitants are also key factors. While suggesting that off-farm work is less likely to be undertaken for accumulation purposes, these results have important policy implications. In particular, policy measures should consider each segment as a separate entity. 相似文献
3.
ABSTRACTMany liberals have been immodest in postulating that their own progressive, secular liberalism is the only one that can be justified in public reason. In Liberalism’s Religion, I articulate a more modest theory of liberalism and religion. While I personally endorse progressive secular liberalism, I argue that it is only one of the reasonable conceptions of liberal justice. This liberal modesty has profound, hitherto unnoticed implications for (i) the role of religious arguments in the public sphere, (ii) the legitimacy of religious establishment, and (iii) the justifiability of religious exemptions. In this article, I defend these three claims by providing replies to my critics. 相似文献
4.
Marianne Junger Lynette Feder Joy Clay Sylvana M. Côté David P. Farrington Kate Freiberg Vicente Garrido Genovés Ross Homel Friedrich Lösel Matthew Manning Paul Mazerolle Rob Santos Martin Schmucker Christopher Sullivan Carole Sutton Tom van Yperen Richard E. Tremblay 《European Journal on Criminal Policy and Research》2007,13(3-4):327-356
5.
It is a central tenet of most contemporarytheories of justice that the badly-off have aright to some of the resources of the well-off.In this paper, I take as my starting point twoprinciples of justice, to wit, the principle ofsufficiency, whereby individuals have a rightto the material resources they need in order tolead a decent life, and the principle ofautonomy, whereby once everybody has such alife, individuals should be allowed to pursuetheir conception of the good, and to enjoy thefruits of their labour in pursuit of suchconception. I also endorse the value offairness, whereby the right person orinstitution makes the decision as to whether tobring about justice.I show that justice and fairness can besatisfied only if we all enjoy a combination ofprivate and collective rights over the world.In making that case, I shall argue that the setof ownership rights I advocate differs fromreadily available conceptions of restrictedprivate ownership in two important respects.First, it is such that in some circumstances,two individuals or more can have control rightsover the same property at the same time, not,as is standardly the case in legal systems, bycontracting with one another (through gifts andjoint purchase), but simply on grounds ofjustice. Second, it allows that, if necessary,property-owners be expropriated from theirproperty without compensation. 相似文献
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Contemporary social policy toward low-income women in the United States, as evidenced both by Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act (PRWORA) and by the AFDC programme that preceded it, is in part an artefact of long-standing conceptions of the nature of citizenship. This view sees citizenship as resting primarily on civil and political rights, not on rights with respect to economic, social, and cultural matters. Drawing on scholarly literature on the development of international human rights regimes, the feminist literature that analyses social policy both comparatively and in terms of US domestic policy, and literature regarding contemporary movements among low-income persons, this paper analyses the efforts of one organization, the Kensington Welfare Rights Union (KWRU), to challenge US policy via international human rights law and international enforcement mechanisms. We will suggest that, despite some of the flaws of the KWRU, their approach is a promising one for low-income women. In particular, we wish to suggest that a broader conception of citizenship that takes into account economic, cultural, and social rights is necessary to create a more equitable and democratic polity for women. 相似文献
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Silvina J. Vilas-Ghiso Diana M. Liverman 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2007,7(2):137-169
More than a decade after NAFTA (North American Free Trade Agreement) entered into force, the environmental effects of agricultural
trade liberalization in Mexico are still controversial, emerging, and not fully understood. This paper contributes to the
literature that aims to explore trends in input use in the agricultural sector in Mexico during the post-NAFTA period among
both commercial/industrial and traditional/rainfed farmers, and examines the influence of the national and multilateral institutional
framework on these outcomes. We decompose the post-NAFTA agricultural production data into scale, technique and composition
effects to estimate the impact that trade liberalization has had on the use of fertilizer and land use, two key agricultural
inputs for which reliable aggregate data is available. We conclude that among commercial farmers patterns of crop type specialization
and significant technological improvements have led to some declines in fertilizer use but they have been offset by growth
in fertilizer use associated with growing agricultural output. Among traditional farmers increased output and specialization
in land-intensive grain crops are contributing to an increase in land under cultivation and technological improvements show
the potential, but not yet not the strength, to counteract these effects. We analyse the environmental institutional framework
and rural development plans, observing that institutional weaknesses have, in several instances, reduced the environmental
benefit of technique and composition effects. We conclude with recommendations about how the Mexican agricultural sector might
reap the environmental benefits of international agricultural trade. 相似文献