首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   40篇
  免费   5篇
各国政治   1篇
工人农民   4篇
世界政治   1篇
外交国际关系   6篇
法律   16篇
中国政治   1篇
政治理论   16篇
  2023年   1篇
  2021年   3篇
  2019年   4篇
  2018年   1篇
  2017年   2篇
  2016年   5篇
  2015年   2篇
  2014年   4篇
  2013年   6篇
  2012年   2篇
  2011年   3篇
  2010年   1篇
  2009年   1篇
  2008年   1篇
  2007年   5篇
  2006年   1篇
  2004年   1篇
  2003年   1篇
  1999年   1篇
排序方式: 共有45条查询结果,搜索用时 31 毫秒
1.
Despite important inroads, women’s marginalization in the public sphere is still very real. From a feminist theoretical perspective, and informed by Guy Debord’s conceptualization of the society of spectacle, this study examines local and national newspaper coverage of Wendy Davis’s filibuster to block an abortion-restricting bill in the Texas State legislature in 2013. Qualitative and quantitative assessments show that gender was particularly encoded and marked in the mediated discourse, with reports focusing on Davis’ personal life and giving her celebrity status. The filibuster became a political spectacle that reified dominant gender values and norms.  相似文献   
2.
Chambers  Dustin  Collins  Courtney A.  Krause  Alan 《Public Choice》2019,180(1-2):57-90

This study is the first to measure the impact of federal regulations on consumer prices. By combining consumer expenditure and pricing data from the Bureau of Labor Statistics, industry supply-chain data from the Bureau of Economic Analysis, and industry-specific regulation information from the Mercatus Center’s RegData database, we determine that regulations promote higher consumer prices, and that these price increases have a disproportionately negative effect on low-income households. Specifically, we find that the poorest households spend larger proportions of their incomes on heavily regulated goods and services prone to sharp price increases. While the literature explores other specific costs of regulation, noting that higher consumer prices are a probable consequence of heavy regulation, this study is the first to provide a thorough empirical analysis of that relationship across industries. Irrespective of the reasons for imposing new regulations, these results demonstrate that in the aggregate, the negative consequences are significant, especially for the most vulnerable households.

  相似文献   
3.
Despite well-documented need, little is known about the HIV prevention services provided to adults with serious mental illness in the public mental health system. This study examined the types, frequency, and client-level correlates of HIV prevention services provided to a representative sample of clients in five public mental health care programs. Although results indicate that HIV prevention care is infrequent, clients identified as being at higher risk for HIV infection reported receiving prevention interventions more frequently. However, both the clients' gender and the service setting influenced the types and frequency of services that clients received.  相似文献   
4.
The use of surveys and survey experiments by international political economy scholars is increasing, adding to the ability to study a broad array of topics. In doing so, many scholars in international political economy draw on—and are contributing to—insights and arguments from American politics and comparative politics (Milner 1998), substantive fields with a history of using surveys and survey experiments. In this article, I review motivations for using surveys and survey experiments, the research designs, and analysis strategies in light of this issue’s contributions. I contrast these motivations and their accompanying designs and discuss the pros and cons of ways to approach the data generated by these research designs. The goal of this commentary is to situate surveys and survey experiments—especially those within the special issue—within a larger discussion about research motivations, design, and analysis techniques.  相似文献   
5.
While each election provides the Canadian House of Commons with a fresh batch of politicians, no consideration has been given to the question of whether the quality of politicians is improving. Yet improving quality has been the focus of several commissions urging increases in MP compensation. This article addresses the competence and compensation questions by asking whether changes in levels of compensation might make a difference to the educational qualifications of political leaders. We assemble a unique dataset of 1,291 federal politicians elected to the Canadian House of Commons from 1993 to 2011 and show that prime ministers do have a preference for more highly educated MPs when filling ministerial and other executive positions. Our findings suggest that certain subgroups of MPs, particularly educated women, may be attracted by upward shifts in compensation. We discuss the reasons for these effects and the relative importance of compensation in career decisions.  相似文献   
6.
Scholars warn that avoidance of attitude-discrepant political information is becoming increasingly common due in part to an ideologically fragmented online news environment that allows individuals to systematically eschew contact with ideas that differ from their own. Data collected over a series of national RDD surveys conducted between 2004 and 2008 challenge this assertion, demonstrating that Americans’ use of attitude-consistent political sources is positively correlated with use of more attitudinally challenging sources. This pattern holds over time and across different types of online outlets, and applies even among those most strongly committed to their political ideology, although the relationship is weaker for this group. Implications for these findings are discussed.  相似文献   
7.
Carnahan  Dustin  Bergan  Daniel E.  Lee  Sangwon 《Political Behavior》2021,43(3):1227-1246
Political Behavior - Although interest in the efficacy of efforts to correct false beliefs has peaked in recent years, the extent to which corrective effects endure over time remains understudied....  相似文献   
8.
9.
The current study examined the relation between interpersonal callousness trajectories during adolescence (ages 14 to 18) and characteristics of antisocial personality and internalizing problems in young adulthood (age 26), using a community sample of 506 boys. The influence of several parent and peer factors on callousness trajectories during adolescence was also explored. Although the mean interpersonal callousness trajectory for the entire sample was relatively flat, there was substantial individual variability in both the initial status and rate of change of interpersonal callousness over time. Trajectories of interpersonal callousness were associated with higher levels of antisocial personality features in early adulthood but were unrelated to adult internalizing problems. Conduct problems and parent-child communication difficulties were the best predictors of elevated levels of interpersonal callousness throughout adolescence. However, none of the parenting and peer factors examined predicted substantive changes in interpersonal callousness over time.  相似文献   
10.
In order to explain the creation and maintenance of a number of important international institutions, scholars must reconsider a commonly held assumption about what states want. Structural realists show that the assumption that states desire survival explains a wide range of outcomes. Yet the survival assumption prevents both realists and liberal institutionalists from offering a plausible account of international organizations that are costly to autonomy. The cultures of anarchy argument helps explain when the desire to survive is more or less salient but is burdened with the survival assumption nonetheless. I argue that it is useful to assume that states pursue the national interest and that survival is only a potential means to that end. By employing this assumption within the cultures of anarchy framework, we can begin to formulate an explanation for the willingness of states to cede autonomy to international institutions.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号